OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH 
FRANCE 


OUR  NAVAL  WAR 
WITH  FRANCE 


BY 


GARDNER  W.  ALLEN 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 


1909 


COPYRIGHT,   1909,   BY   GARDNER  W.  ALLEN 

ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 

Published  May  ZQOQ 


TO 

THE  MEMORY  OF 
MY  MOTHER 


190900 


PKEFACE 

THE  spoliation  of  American  commerce  by  the 
French,  and  the  resulting  hostilities  during  the  last 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  form  the  earliest 
episode  of  importance  in  our  history  under  the 
Federal  Constitution.  It  is,  perhaps,  natural  that 
they  should  have  been  to  a  great  extent  over 
shadowed  by  the  tremendous  convulsions  of  the 
French  Kevolution.  Yet  these  hostilities  between 
the  United  States  and  France  continued  in  an 
acute  form  nearly  three  years,  and  amounted  to 
actual  war,  although  war  was  declared  on  neither 
side.  Important  frigate  actions  and  very  many 
minor  contests  furnish  some  of  the  most  stirring 
exploits  in  the  early  history  of  the  navy. 

An  examination  of  manuscript  sources  and  con 
temporary  newspapers  has  brought  to  light  much 
material  never  before  utilized.  For  aid  in  this 
search,  the  writer  is  indebted  to  the  officials  of  the 
Navy  Department,  the  Boston  Public  Library,  and 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  to  many 
other  persons.  He  is  under  especial  obligations  to 
Professor  Edward  Channing  of  Harvard  Univer 
sity,  and  to  Charles  W.  Stewart,  Esq.,  Superin 
tendent  of  Library  and  Naval  War  Records,  Navy 
Department. 

GARDNER  W.  ALLEN. 

BOSTON,  March,  1909. 


CONTENTS 

/, 


I.  EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS    .        .        .  .1 

II.  NEGOTIATIONS 16 

III.  FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS 28 

i   IV.  NAVAL  PREPARATION 41 

V.  THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES         .        .  .63 

VI.  EVENTS  OF  1799 87 

VII.  THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR       .        .  .139 

VIII.  PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS     ....  225 

IX.  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1800       .  '     .       .  .245 

I     X.  REDUCTION  OF  THE  NAVY    ....  252 

XI.  SPOLIATIONS  AFTER  1801 .        .        .        .  .  260 

XII.  THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS      ....  268 

APPENDIX 

I.  SOURCES  OF  INFORMATION        ....  283 

II.  TREATIES 290 

III.  DECREES    . 297 

IV.  VESSELS  IN  SERVICE,  1798-1801    .        .        .301 
V.  COMMANDING  OFFICERS,  1798-1801  .        .        .303 

VI.  THE  NAUTICAL  DAY 306 

INDEX   .  .  309 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE  CONSTELLATION  AND  INSURGENTS  IN  ACTION 

(see  p.  94)  Frontispiece 

Painted  and  engraved  by  E  Savage  and  published  at  Philadelphia, 
May  20,  1799.  Inscribed :  "  Action  between  the  Constellation  and 
L' Insurgent.  On  the  9th  February,  1799.  Off  the  Island  of  St.  Chris 
tophers,  when  after  an  hard  fought  battle  of  one  hour  and  a  quarter 
the  Frigate  of  the  Directory  yielded  to  superior  skill  and  bravery. 
Killed  on  board  L'Insurgent  29.  Wounded  46.  Constellation  1  killed, 
3  wounded.  Force  of  the  Constellation :  Guns  36,  Men  310.  Force 
of  the  Insurgent :  40  Guns,  18  Brass  Swivels,  409  Men."  From  the 
original  engraving,  through  the  courtesy  of  Charles  H.  Taylor,  Jr., 
Esq.,  of  Boston. 

MAP  OF  THE  WEST  INDIES 1 

PLAN  OF  A  FRIGATE 42 

From  Captain  Truxtun's  "System  of  Masting  " ;  being  an  appendix 
to  his  "  Remarks,  Instructions,  and  Examples  relating  to  the  Lati 
tude  and  Longitude  "  (Philadelphia,  1794).  Engraved  by  Thackara, 
from  a  drawing  by  J.  Fox. 

THE  FRIGATE  CONSTITUTION 48 

From  the  original  water-color  by  W.  A.  K.  Martin,  through  the 
courtesy  of  Henry  A.  Martin,  Esq.,  of  Ambler,  Pa. 

BENJAMIN  STODDERT 54 

From  the  original  painting  by  E.  F.  Andrews  at  the  Navy  Depart 
ment,  Washington. 

JOHN  BARRY 66 

From  the  "National  Portrait  Gallery"  (1835).  Engraved  by  J.  B. 
Longacre  from  the  painting  by  G.  Stuart. 

SAMUEL  NICHOLSON 70 

After  an  old  portrait. 

THE  FRIGATE  UNITED  STATES 90 

From  the  "  American  Universal  Magazine,"  July,  1797.  Engraved 
by  F.  Clarke,  Philadelphia. 


rii  ILLUSTRATIONS 

THE  CONSTELLATION  CHASING  THE  INSURGENTS  94 

Painted  and  engraved  by  E.  Savage  and  published  at  Philadelphia, 
May  20,  1799.  Inscribed:  "Constellation  &  L'Insurgent  —  the 
Chace."  From  the  original  engraving,  through  the  courtesy  of  C.  H. 
Taylor,  Jr.,  Esq.  ;  believed  to  be  the  only  copy  in  existence  (see 
"Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,"  second 
series,  vol.  xix,  pp.  10,  17,  18). 

SILAS  TALBOT 122 

From  an  engraving  by  J.  Rogers  inC.  E.  Lester's  "  America's  Ad 
vancement"  (1876). 

THOMAS  TRUXTUN 134 

After  the  engraving  by  C.  Tiebout  of  the  portrait  by  A.  Robertson. 
"New  York,  Published  by  A.  Robertson,  No.  79  Liberty  Str.  &  C. 
Tiebout,  No.  28  Gold  Street,  Novem.'  20th,  1799." 

ISAAC  HULL 182 

From  "  The  Polyanthos"  (Jan.  1814).  Engraved  by  I.  R.  Smith  from 
a  portrait  byH.  Williams.  "The  Polyanthos"  says:  "Before  the 
engraving  could  be  finished,  another  appeared  in  the  'Analectic 
Magazine  '  [the  familiar  Stuart  portrait],  and  the  dissimilarity  in 
the  two  pictures  induced  us  to  postpone  the  publication  of  ours,  till 
it  should  have  been  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  his  friends. 
Having  done  this,  we  are  authorized  to  say  that  it  has  been  honored 
with  their  entire  approbation." 

ALEXANDER  MURRAY 190 

From  Waldo's  "Naval  Heroes"  (1823).  Engraved  by  Willard  from 
a  portrait  by  Wood. 

CHARLES  STEWART 204 

From  the  "  Analectic  Magazine  "  (Feb.  1816).  Engraved  by  Good 
man  from  a  portrait  by  Wood. 

THE  FRIGATE  BOSTON 210 

"  Frigate  Am6ricaine,  faisant  secher  ses  Voiles.  Dessine  d'apres 
Nature  et  grav6  par  Baugean."  From  "  Recueil  de  Navires  de  Guerre 
et  Marchands  de  Diverses  Nations"  (Paris,  1812).  By  courtesy  of 
Captain  Arthur  H.  Clark  of  New  York. 

DAVID  PORTER 216 

From  the  "  Analectic  Magazine  "  (Sept.  1814).  Engraved  by  Edwin 
from  a  portrait  by  Wood. 


OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH 
FRANCE 


OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH 
FRANCE 

CHAPTER   I 

EARLY   MISUNDERSTANDINGS 

THE  British  colonies  of  North  America  having  de 
clared  their  independence  and  being  involved  in  an 
unequal  struggle  with  the  mother-country,  the  new 
born  nation  appealed  to  France  for  aid  at  an  early 
period  of  the  contest.  The  American  envoys,  Ben 
jamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee, 
were  happily  able  to  engage  the  attention  of  Louis 
XVI  and  his  ministers.  They,  however,  cautiously 
held  aloof  at  first,  naturally  unwilling  to  support  a 
rebellion  while  success  appeared  almost  hopeless  ; 
but  the  defeat  and  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army  in 
1777  turned  the  scale  in  the  wavering  French 
councils,  and  it  was  decided  to  espouse  the  Ameri 
can  cause.  Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of  February, 
1778,  two  treaties  between  the  United  States  and 
France  were  signed  at  Versailles,  —  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  and  one  of  alliance. 

In  their  desperate  strait  the  Americans  gladly 
assumed  obligations,  imposed  by  these  treaties, 
which  in  after  years  proved  embarrassing.  With- 


2     OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

out  the  French  alliance  and  the  liberal  loans  of  the 
king  the  fortunate  outcome  of  the  war  must  surely 
have  been  impossible ;  and  gratitude  to  France  was 
a  universal  sentiment  in  America.  Some  of  the 
provisions  of  a  consular  convention,  concluded  be 
tween  the  two  nations  in  1788,  also  caused  compli 
cations  a  few  years  later. 

In  his  annual  address  to  Congress,  December  8, 
1790,  President  Washington  called  attention  to 
the  disturbed  situation  of  Europe  and  the  neces 
sity  for  circumspection  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.1  Shortly  after  this,  France  complained  of 
certain  duties  imposed  by  the  United  States,  and 
this  caused  discussion  as  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778  ; 2  but  no  serious 
trouble  arose  between  the  two  countries  until  after 
the  breaking  out  of  the  general  European  war 
brought  on  by  the  French  Revolution. 

A  strict  fulfillment  of  our  treaty  obligations 
would  have  drawn  the  United  States  into  this  war 
as  an  ally  of  France.  The  question  as  to  whether 
the  treaties  had  been  terminated  by  the  revolution 
and  change  of  government  in  France  was  discussed 
in  Washington's  cabinet,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
they  had  not  been.  According  to  the  eleventh  arti- 
cle  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  the  United  States  guar 
anteed  "  to  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  the  present 
possessions  of  the  Crown  of  France  in  America,  as 

1  State  Papers,  vol.  i,  p.  18.  See  Appendix  I  for  authorities, 

2  Ibid.  rol.  x,  pp.  68-77. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  3 

well  as  those  which  it  may  acquire  by  the  future 
treaty  of  peace."  This  referred  especially  to  the 
French  West  Indies,  and  to  have  complied  with 
the  treaty  would  have  involved  the  United  States 
in  the  defense  of  these  islands  against  the  attacks 
of  England.  In  view  of  the  exhausted  condition  of 
the  country  at  the  time,  slowly  recovering  from  the 
strain  of  the  War  for  Independence  and  loaded 
with  debt,  to  have  embarked  in  another  great  war 
would  have  been  suicidal.  As  a  matter  of  self-pre 
servation  it  was  necessary  to  maintain  strict  neutral 
ity.  In  February,  1793,  soon  after  the  execution 
of  Louis  XVI,  the  war  in  Europe  became  general, 
involving  besides  France  the  maritime  nations  of 
Great  Britain,  Spain,  and  Holland. 

In  order  to  get  the  opinions  of  his  cabinet  on  the 
situation,  the  President  submitted  to  the  members 
certain  questions,  and  obtained  their  unanimous 
approval  of  two  important  measures  :  that  neu 
trality  should  be  proclaimed,  and  that  the  Republic 
of  France  should  be  recognized  and  a  French  min 
ister  received.  April  22,  1793,  Washington  issued 
his  proclamation,  in  which  it  is  declared  that  the 
United  States  will  "  pursue  a  conduct  friendly 
and  impartial  toward  the  belligerent  powers,"  that 
American  citizens  engaging  in  contraband  trade 
will  not  be  protected  by  the  government  against 
punishment  or  forfeiture,  and  that  the  United  States 
will  prosecute  all  persons  who  violate  the  law  of 
nations.  It  was  agreed  that  the  word  "  neutrality  " 


4     OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

should  be  omitted  from  the  text  of  the  proclama 
tion.1  Public  sentiment  in  America  at  this  time  was 
strongly  in  favor  of  France,  and  the  proclamation 
was  unpopular,  although  it  was  approved  by  both 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  at  the 
next  session  of  Congress.2 

Shortly  before  this,  on  April  8,  there  had  arrived 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  the  newly  appointed 
French  minister  to  the  United  States,  Citizen  Genet. 
In  a  letter  written  after  his  arrival,  to  the  French 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Genet  attributes  to  con 
trary  winds  his  landing  at  this  point  instead  of  pro 
ceeding  directly  to  Philadelphia,  the  seat  of  govern 
ment.3  Yet  the  frigate  Embuscade  in  which  he  came 
he  sent  north  at  once,  and  she  soon  arrived  at  Phila 
delphia,  while  he  himself  made  the  journey  by  land, 
after  a  halt  of  two  weeks  or  more  in  Charleston. 
During  his  stay  in  the  south  Genet  entered  upon  a 
course  of  conduct  certain  to  embarrass  the  United 
States,  and  from  this  time  forth  his  behavior  indi 
cates  a  misapprehension  of  the  rights  and  powers  of 
the  American  executive  under  the  Constitution,  as 
well  as  of  the  duties  and  limitations  of  his  own  office. 
He  had  brought  with  him  two  hundred  and  fifty 
blank  commissions,  and  four  of  these  he  now  issued 
to  privateers,  which  were  rapidly  fitted  out  and 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  p.  44 ;  Washington,  vol.  xii,  pp.  279-282 ;  Jef 
ferson,  vol.  i,  pp.  226,  227,  vol.  vi,  pp.  315,  346. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  p.  127. 

8  American  Historical  Association,  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  211-213 ;  for 
Genet's  instructions  from  his  government,  see  p.  201. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  5 

manned,  partly  by  Frenchmen  and  partly  by  Ameri 
cans.1  They  were  sent  to  sea  and  soon  began  to  re 
turn  with  English  prizes,  some  of  them  captured 
within  the  territorial  waters  of  the  United  States. 
The  British  minister  complained  of  these  proceed 
ings,  and  one  of  the  prizes,  taken  in  Delaware  Bay 
by  the  Embuscade,  was  afterwards  surrendered  by 
Genet.2 

In  a  letter  to  Jefferson,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
dated  May  27,  after  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia, 
Genet  vigorously  defended  his  conduct  against  the 
complaints  of  the  British  minister.  In  his  reply  of 
June  5,  in  speaking  of  the  arming  of  privateers  in 
American  ports  and  the  enlisting  of  American  citi 
zens  for  the  French  service,  Jefferson  expressed  the 
opinion  of  the  President "  that  the  arming  and  equip 
ping  vessels  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  to 
cruise  against  nations  with  whom  they  are  at  peace, 
was  incompatible  with  the  territorial  sovereignty  of 
the  United  States ;  .  .  .  that  it  is  the  right  of  every 
nation  to  prohibit  acts  of  sovereignty  from  being  ex 
ercised  by  any  other  within  its  limits,  and  the  duty 
of  a  neutral  nation  to  prohibit  such  as  would  injure 
one  of  the  warring  powers ;  that  the  granting  military 
commissions,  within  the  United  States,  by  any  other 
authority  than  their  own,  is  an  infringement  on  their 
sovereignty,  and  particularly  so  when  granted  to 

1  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  253,  848. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  196-198 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  69-76, 114-122, 145, 195 ; 
Claims,  p.  379. 


6     OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

their  own  citizens,  to  lead  them  to  commit  acts  con 
trary  to  the  duties  they  owe  their  own  country." 
About  the  end  of  May  two  American  citizens  who 
had  enlisted  on  a  French  privateer  were  arrested, 
and  were  judged  by  the  attorney-general  to  be  indict 
able  for  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  United  States.1 

Genet  was  everywhere  received  with  great  enthu 
siasm  by  the  people,  and  expected  the  warm  support 
of  the  government  in  the  cause  of  France.  Con 
sequently  the  reserve  of  the  administration  was 
disappointing  to  him.  Even  Jefferson,  who  at  first 
regarded  him  with  favor,  was  soon  repelled  by  his 
actions.  In  a  letter  to  Madison,  July  7,  he  says : 
"Never,  in  my  opinion,  was  so  calamitous  an 
appointment  made  as  that  of  the  present  Minister 
of  F.  here.  Hot  headed,  all  imagination,  no  judg 
ment,  passionate,  disrespectful  &  even  indecent 
towards  the  P." 2 

In  June  the  sale  of  prizes  brought  into  Phila 
delphia  by  a  French  vessel  was  stopped  by  a  United 
States  officer,  and  another  French  vessel,  which  had 
been  fitted  out  at  New  York  and  was  on  the  point 
of  sailing,  was  detained.  These  acts  aroused  a  ve 
hement  protest  from  Genet  and  from  the  French 
consuls  at  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  They 
claimed  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  the  disposition  of 
prizes,  by  reason  of  their  consulates  having  been 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  77-86 ;  Washington,  vol.  xii,  p.  317 ;  Jeffer 
son,  vol.  vi,  pp.  273-276. 

2  Jefferson,  vol.  vi,  pp.  323,  338. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  7 

constituted  complete  courts  of  admiralty  by  the 
National  Convention  of  France.  This  assumption 
of  power  by  the  French  government  was  not  recog 
nized  by  the  United  States,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
been  conferred  neither  by  treaty  nor  by  the  con 
sular  convention  of  1788.1 

Another  grievance  of  Genet's  related  to  the  debt 
of  the  United  States  to  France,  which  it  had  been 
arranged  by  convention  to  pay  in  installments  cover 
ing  several  years.  The  French  government  proposed 
that  it  should  now  be  paid  all  at  once,  the  amount 
to  be  expended  in  the  United  States  in  the  purchase 
of  provisions  and  naval  stores,  of  which  the  French 
were  greatly  in  need.  The  condition  of  the  national 
finances  at  that  time,  however,  was  such  as  to  make 
it  impossible  for  the  United  States  to  accept  this 
proposal.2 

The  guarantee  by  the  United  States  of  the  French 
West  Indies  made  no  trouble  at  this  time.  Jefferson 
wrote  to  Madison,  June  9  :  "  Genet  mentions  freely 
enough  in  conversation  that  France  does  not  wish 
to  involve  us  in  the  war  by  our  guarantee."  In  fact 
the  fulfillment  of  this  obligation  was  never  insisted 
upon  by  France,  perhaps  partly  from  motives  of 
policy,  not  wishing  to  be  pressed  too  hard  herself 
on  the  subject  of  treaty  stipulations,  but  more  likely 
because  it  was  thought  that  the  Americans  would 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  86-100,  144,  145. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  i,  pp.  51-67, 100-104;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1908,  vol. 
ii,  pp.  256,  282. 


8     OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

be  more  useful  as  neutral  carriers  of  provisions  than 
as  belligerent  allies  unable  to  keep  the  sea  in  the 
face  of  England's  navy.  However,  the  matter  is 
occasionally  mentioned  in  the  correspondence  of 
the  time,  and  assumed  importance  in  the  negotia 
tions  of  1800. l 

In  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  administra 
tion,  Genet  continued  to  fit  out  privateers  in  Amer 
ican  ports.  He  insisted  that  thejwenty-second  article 
of  the  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778  expressly  con- 
f erred  the  right  to  arm  and  fit  out  vessels  of  war  in 
our  ports  and  to  sell  the  prizes  taken  by  them, 
whereas  the  article  simply  denied  this  right  to  the 
enemies  of  either  party,  leaving  open  the  question 
as  to  French  and  American  vessels,  for  reasons  which 
appeared  sufficient  at  the  time.  He  also  claimed 
that  under  the  seventeenth  article2  the  United 
States  had  no  right  to  detain  vessels  believed  to 
have  been  captured  within  territorial  limits.  Genet's 
conduct  at  this  time  brought  down  upon  him  a  se 
vere  reprimand  from  his  own  government  in  a  letter, 
dated  July  30,  1793,  from  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  of  the  French  Republic.3 

Meanwhile  the  French  were  not  the  only  offend- 

1  Jefferson,  vol.  i,  p.  248,  vol.  vi,  pp.  260,  293,  502 ;  St.  Pap. 
vol.  i,  pp.  162,  421,  vol.  iii,  pp.  82,  462,  vol.  iv,  pp.  28,  97,  vol.  x, 
pp.  299-303 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  209,  649,  726, 
1064. 

2  See  Appendix  II  for  these  articles. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  96, 141, 145;  Amer.  Histor.  Assoc.  1903, 
vol.  ii,  p.  228. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  9 

ers,  as  an  English  privateer  fitting  out  in  Geor 
gia  was  seized  under  general  orders  issued  by  the 
President,  and  Genet  complained  of  certain  other 
English  vessels  of  the  same  class.  He  also  protested 
against  the  seizure  by  the  English,  on  the  high  seas, 
of  French  goods  in  American  vessels,  which  he  called 
an  insult  to  the  American  flag.  Yet  these  seizures 
were  made  in  accordance  with  international  law. 
In  the  case  of  the  United  States  and  France  free 
ships  made  free  goods,  according  to  the  twenty-third 
article  of  the  treaty  of  commerce,  but  there  was 
no  such  agreement  between  the  United  States  and 
England.1 

The  actions  of  the  French  minister  and  consuls 
were  becoming  every  day  more  offensive,  and  as  the 
United  States  had  no  navy  it  was  impossible  to  check 
them.  In  July  the  British  and  French  ministers  were 
informed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  that  the  Presi 
dent  expected  certain  vessels  of  both  parties  to  be 
held  in  port  until  a  legal  opinion  could  be  obtained 
on  the  various  points  under  discussion.  Among  the 
French  vessels  was  a  prize  of  the  Embuscade,  the 
Little  Sarah,  which  had  been  fitted  out  and  armed 
as  a  privateer  at  Philadelphia.  In  spite  of  the  Pre 
sident's  request  and  Genet's  verbal  assurance  to 
Jefferson,  the  Little  Sarah  was  allowed  to  sail  on 
a  cruise.  At  last,  on  August  7,  Jefferson  informed 
the  minister  in  a  peremptory  letter  that  all  prizes 

1  8t.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  109-114, 124-136 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903, 
vol.  ii,  p.  255. 


10    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

taken  by  French  vessels  after  June  5,  when  the 
position  of  the  administration  had  been  denned, 
must  be  restored  or  the  French  government  would 
be  held  responsible  for  the  indemnification  of  the 
owners. l 

By  this  time  it  had  become  evident  that  forbear 
ance  could  no  longer  serve  any  good  purpose,  and 
on  August  1  a  cabinet  meeting  was  held  "  to  con 
sider  what  was  to  be  done  with  Mr.  Genet,"  and 
it  was  decided  that  he  must  go.2  Accordingly  the 
Secretary  of  State  wrote  a  long  letter,  dated  Au 
gust  16, 1793,  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  United  States 
minister  to  France,  instructing  him  to  request  the 
recall  of  Genet.  In  this  letter  Jefferson  expounds 
the  disputed  articles  in  the  treaty  of  1778  at  great 
length,  and  clearly  exposes  the  fallacies  of  Genet's 
interpretation  of  them.  He  gives  an  account  of  the 
minister's  proceedings,  and  quotes  several  insulting 
passages  from  his  letters  to  the  administration.  A 
copy  of  this  letter  was  sent  to  Genet,  and  elicited 
from  him  a  response,  in  which  he  denied  the  right 
of  the  President  to  request  his  recall  and  demanded 
that  all  the  matters  in  dispute  should  be  referred 
to  Congress  as  representing  the  sovereign  people 
in  whom  alone  authority  rested ;  and  he  complained 
that  Congress  was  not  called  in  extraordinary  ses 
sion  for  this  purpose.3  Congress  subsequently  pro- 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  123-125, 136 ;  Washington,  vol.  xii,  pp.  302, 
308-318 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  i,  pp.  237-241,  vol.  vi,  pp.  339-345. 

2  Jefferson,  vol.  i,  p.  252. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  137-165. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  11 

hibited  all  such  transactions  as  those  in  which 
Genet  was  engaged.1 

The  course  pursued  by  Genet  and  by  the  French 
consuls  encouraged  by  him  was  not  interrupted  by 
the  stand  taken  by  the  administration,  and  on  Sep 
tember  7  the  Secretary  of  State  issued  a  circular 
letter  to  the  consuls,  in  which  he  states  that  having 
learned  that  they  were  exercising  admiralty  juris 
diction,  trying  prizes,  and  enlisting  American  citi 
zens  to  serve  against  nations  at  peace  with  the 
United  States,  "I  have  it  in  charge,  from  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  give  notice  to 
all  consuls  and  vice-consuls  of  France  in  the  United 
States,  as  I  hereby  do  to  you,  that  if  any  of  them 
shall  commit  any  of  the  acts  before  mentioned,  or 
assume  any  jurisdiction  not  expressly  given  by  the 
convention  between  France  and  the  United  States, 
the  exequatur  of  the  consul  so  transgressing  will 
be  immediately  revoked,  and  his  person  be  sub 
mitted  to  such  prosecutions  and  punishments  as 
the  laws  may  prescribe  for  the  case."  2  A  month 
later  the  President  revoked  the  exequatur  of  the 
French  vice-consul  at  Boston,  who  had  by  force 
of  arms  seized  a  vessel  and  cargo  which  had  been 
replevied  by  the  United  States  marshal.3 

In  October  Genet  reported  to  his  government 
that  since  his  arrival  in  America  he  had  fitted  out 

1  Act  of  June  5,  1794,  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  381. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  p.  167 ;  Claims,  p.  284. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  179-192 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii, 
p.  281 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  vi,  p.  401. 


12    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

fourteen  privateers,  mounting  one  hundred  and 
twenty  guns  in  all,  which  had  taken  eighty  prizes.1 

Meanwhile  the  French  minister  had  entered  upon 
one  of  the  chief  objects  of  his  mission,  and  from 
this  time  on  was  actively  engaged  in  maturing  a 
project  which  promised  yet  more  trouble  for  the 
United  States.  This  was  the  conquest  for  France 
of  Florida  and  Louisiana,  at  that  time  depend 
encies  of  Spain.  Genet  organized  an  expedition 
in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  to  be  directed 
against  Florida,  and  another  in  Kentucky  which 
was  to  descend  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers  and 
attack  New  Orleans.  Jefferson  believed  that  the 
United  States  must  inevitably  become  involved  in 
war  with  Spain.2 

The  request  for  Genet's  recall  was  complied  with 
by  the  French  government,  who  sent  out  in  his 
place  the  Citizen  Fauchet,  accompanied  by  three 
commissioners  who  were  to  act  with  him  and  whose 
concurrence  was  necessary  in  all  measures.  They 

1  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  246,  254. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  443-453,  vol.  ii,  pp.  35-57,  vol.  x,  pp.  346- 
349 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  i,  pp.  235,  236,  vol.  vi,  p.  316 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc. 
1896,  vol.  i,  pp.  930-1107 ;  1897,  pp.  569-679 ;  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
10-12,  199,  205,  219-223,  264-268,  826.    An  important  object  of 
these  schemes  was  to  secure  a  source  of  food  supply  for  the  French 
West  Indies  ;  the  acquisition  of  Canada  was  also  desired.  Genet's 
operations  were  preceded  and  followed  by  years  of  intrigue  on  the 
part  of  France,  England,  and  Spain  for  the  possession  of  Louisi 
ana  and  its  extension  eastward.  See  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol. 
ii,  pp  567,  840,  990,  1015,  1038,  1048,  1075,  1097  ;  also  American 
Historical  Review,  April,  1897,  April  and  July,  1898,  January  and 
April,  1905. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  13 

were  a  consul-general,  a  consul  for  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  a  secretary  of  legation.  A  decree  of  the 
committee  of  public  safety  of  France,  dated  October 
11,  1793,  required  the  commissioners  to  disavow 
Genet's  conduct  and  send  him  back  to  France,  to  dis 
arm  the  privateers  fitted  out  by  him,  and  to  dismiss 
the  consuls  concerned  in  any  proceedings  compro 
mising  American  neutrality.  The  commissioners'  in 
structions  repeat  the  orders  of  the  decree  and  require 
them  to  attempt  the  negotiation  of  a  new  treaty  of 
commerce.1  This  was  a  measure  earnestly  desired 
by  the  French  government,  which  had  also  been 
included  in  Genet's  instructions,  had  been  urged 
before  his  time,  and  continued  to  be  for  several 
years  without  result.2 

Owing  to  delays  the  commissioners  did  not  ar 
rive  in  Philadelphia  until  February,  1794.  Genet, 
therefore,  continued  to  serve  until  that  time,  when 
his  schemes  relating  to  Florida  and  Louisiana  for 
tunately  came  to  an  end,  and  later  gave  place  to 
peaceful  negotiations.  The  administration  was  thus 
saved  the  serious  embarrassment  which  threatened 
its  relations  with  Spain.  The  United  States  govern 
ment,  however,  declined  to  arrest  Genet,  when 
requested  by  Fauchet  to  do  so,  "  upon  reasons  of 
law  and  magnanimity."  3  He  was  allowed  to  go 

1  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  287-294. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  9, 108-114, 129, 135,  202,  207, 209, 344,  638,  649,  725, 
743 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  p.  414,  vol.  ii,  pp.  152-157,  232,  427-433. 

8  Foreign  Relations,  vol.  i,  p.  709 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol. 
ii,  pp.  308,  309,  313-316,  345. 


14    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

free,  and,  this  being  the  period  of  the  guillotine's 
greatest  activity,  prudently  decided  not  to  return 
to  France. 

It  may  be  said  for  Genet  that  many  of  his  doings 
were  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  which, 
however,  were  issued  before  England  and  Spain 
had  become  involved  in  the  war  against  France  and 
before  the  American  proclamation  of  neutrality. 
Moreover,  his  attempts  to  carry  out  his  instructions 
were  marked  by  an  entire  absence  of  the  circum 
spection  and  tact  essential  in  diplomacy,  and  by  a 
total  want  of  respect  for  the  government  to  which 
he  was  accredited.  In  the  French  department  of 
foreign  affairs  Genet  was  considered  to  have  had 
his  head  turned  by  the  adulation  heaped  upon  him 
in  America  by  the  extreme  partisans  of  France, 
and  was  blamed  for  antagonizing  the  United  States 
government  by  persisting  in  his  course  against  the 
wishes  of  the  administration.1  Robespierre  is  quoted 
as  expressing  the  opinion  that  a  "  man  of  the  name 
of  Genet  ...  has  made  use  of  the  most  unaccount 
able  means  to  irritate  the  American  government 
against  us."  2 

While  Genet's  republican  sentiments  are  estima 
ble,  his  sincerity  in  declaring  "  that  I  love  passion 
ately  my  country,  that  I  adore  the  cause  of  liberty, 
that  I  am  always  ready  to  sacrifice  my  life  to  it,"  3 

1  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  p.  283. 

2  Washington,  vol.  xii,  p.  403. 
8  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  p.  162. 


EARLY  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  15 

is  open  to  suspicion,  from  the  fact  that  he  never 
returned  to  France,  even  after  the  perils  of  the 
reign  of  terror  were  over,  but  left  her  to  fight  her 
way  to  liberty  without  his  aid.  Having  married  a 
daughter  of  Governor  Clinton  of  New  York,  he 
settled  in  that  state,  and  lived  there  in  peace  and 
quiet  during  the  remainder  of  his  long  life. 


CHAPTER  II 

NEGOTIATIONS 

THE  administration,  while  relieved  from  the  em 
barrassments  brought  upon  it  by  Genet,  was  never 
theless  for  the  next  four  years  subjected  to  the 
annoyance  of  incessant  complaints  on  the  part  of 
the  French  department  of  foreign  affairs  and  its 
ministers,  Fauchet  and  his  successor,  Adet.  These 
complaints  were  made  a  pretext  for  hostile  acts 
which  bore  heavily  upon  American  commerce. 

Jefferson,  having  resigned  the  office  of  secretary 
of  state,  was  succeeded  in  January,  1794,  by  Ed 
mund  Randolph,  and  he  in  turn  by  Timothy  Picker 
ing  in  December,  1795.  Gouverneur  Morris,  United 
States  minister  to  France,  whose  republican  prin 
ciples  were  not  sufficiently  radical  to  suit  the  French, 
was  recalled  in  May,  1794,  and  James  Monroe  was 
sent  to  take  his  place.  Monroe  administered  Ameri 
can  affairs  until  the  arrival  in  Paris,  in  December, 
1796,  of  Charles  Cotes  worth  Pinckney,  who  was 
sent  to  relieve  him.  Fauchet,  the  French  minister 
to  the  United  States,  was  succeeded  in  June,  1795, 
by  Adet,  who  was  recalled  in  October,  1796,  and 
six  months  later  left  the  affairs  of  his  nation  in  the 
hands  of  the  consul-general,  Letombe. 

In  the  mean  time  our  relations  with  England 


NEGOTIATIONS  17 

had  long  been  unsatisfactory,  as  many  of  the  pro 
visions  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783  had  not  been 
carried  out.  Moreover,  the  European  war  had  sub 
jected  American  commerce  to  British  as  well  as  to 
French  aggressions.  In  view  of  the  danger  of  still 
further  estrangement,  it  was  deemed  of  vital  im 
portance  to  negotiate  a  new  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  and  for  this  purpose  John  Jay  was  sent  to 
England  in  April,  1794.  His  mission  was  so  far 
successful  that  a  treaty  was  concluded  November 
19,  which  was  finally  proclaimed  in  February,  1796. 
This  treaty  was  far  from  satisfactory ;  it  was  sharply 
and  justly  criticised  at  the  time,  and  has  been  ever 
since.  Yet  it  relieved  some  of  the  most  pressing 
matters  in  dispute,  contained  the  most  favorable 
terms  that  England  could  possibly  have  been  in 
duced  to  yield  at  that  time,  and  with  little  doubt 
prevented  war  between  the  two  countries.  It  secured 
compensation  for  injuries  already  inflicted  upon 
American  commerce,  which  was  now,  for  a  time  at 
least,  free  from  spoliation  at  the  hands  of  British 
cruisers.  Jay  was  unable  to  provide  in  the  treaty 
for  the  protection  of  American  seamen  against  im 
pressment  into  the  British  naval  service.  This  prac 
tice,  which  ultimately  led  to  war  between  the  two 
nations,  was  just  beginning  at  this  time. 

After  Genet's  recall  the  complaints  of  France 
against  the  United  States  continued,  but  at  first 
grew  less  acrimonious,  and  for  a  time  better  feeling 
prevailed  between  the  two  governments.  Then  with 


18    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  promulgation  of  Jay's  treaty  with  England  con 
ditions  changed  again  for  the  worse.  This  treaty 
conflicted  in  some  of  its  provisions  with  the  treaties 
of  1778  with  France,  and  for  this  reason  it  was 
very  offensive  to  the  French,  who,  moreover,  were 
irritated  that  the  Americans  should  have  been  will 
ing  to  establish  amicable  relations  with  their  old 
enemies.  The  sources  of  French  discontent,  repeat 
edly  urged  in  the  course  of  the  correspondence 
between  the  two  republics  from  1794  to  1798,  may 
be  summarized  under  two  heads  :  first,  complaints 
based  on  alleged  inexecution  of  the  treaties  of  1778 
and  the  convention  of  1788  ;  and  second,  those 
arising  from  provisions  of  the  late  treaty  with  Eng 
land  supposed  to  be  unfriendly  to  France  or  preju 
dicial  to  her  interests.1 

Under  the  first  head  the  French  complained  that 
United  States  courts  took  cognizance  of  prizes 
brought  into  American  ports  by  French  cruisers 
and  privateers ;  but  it  was  shown  that  in  every  case 
alleged  there  was  evidence  that  the  prize  had  been 
taken  in  American  territorial  waters  or  by  a  pri 
vateer  fitted  out  in  an  American  port.  A  case  which 
brought  forth  loud  and  long-continued  protests 
from  the  French  was  that  of  the  Cassius,  which 
had  been  originally  armed  in  Philadelphia,  had 
sailed  under  another  name,  refitted  in  the  West 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  113-499,  vol.  iii,  pp.  5-86,  vol.  iv,  pp.  93- 
137.  See,  also,  report  of  Adet,  March  21,  1796,  to  the  French 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  on  Franco-American  relations  since 
1793,  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  vol.  ii,  pp.  846-881. 


NEGOTIATIONS  19 

Indies,  and  then  cruised  under  command  of  an 
American  citizen.  She  brought  a  prize  into  Phila 
delphia,  and  was  there  seized  and  her  captain 
arrested.  The  Vengeance,  another  privateer  that 
attracted  especial  attention,  was  held,  tried,  and 
finally  released.1  It  was  charged,  moreover,  that 
British  vessels  of  war  having  taken  prizes  were  ad 
mitted,  in  some  cases  with  their  prizes,  into  Amer 
ican  ports,  in  contravention  of  the  seventeenth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778.  The 
wording  of  this  article  2  is  not  clear,  and  there  was 
a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  its  precise  meaning, 
the  French  insisting  that  all  war  vessels  which  had 
ever  taken  prizes  from  them  must  be  kept  out, 
while  the  American  interpretation  included  only 
vessels  attempting  to  bring  in  prizes.  In  any  event, 
the  article  stipulated  merely  that  proper  measures 
should  be  taken  to  cause  such  vessels  to  retire,  but 
it  was  not  within  the  power  of  the  United  States 
government,  with  no  navy,  to  force  compliance.3 

Furthermore,  the  French  declared  that  the  ninth 
and  twelfth  articles  4  of  the  consular  convention  of 
1788,  granting  jurisdiction  to  consuls  in  disputes 
between  their  own  citizens  and  also  the  right  to 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  129-140,  216-227,  234-252,  273-281, 357- 
425,  vol.  iv,  pp.  95-97,  105-109,  112-114 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc. 
1903r  vol.  ii,  pp.  417,  779,  842,  858-862,  907,  976,  1019. 

2  See  Appendix  II. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  140-142,  148-150,  201-206,  281-357,  vol. 
iv,  pp.  109-112 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  650,  666, 
684,  696-701,  722,  935. 

*  See  Appendix  II. 


20          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

recover  deserters  from  their  vessels,  had  not  been 
effectively  executed.  In  respect  to  the  latter,  they 
complained  that  American  judges  refused  to  issue 
warrants  for  the  apprehension  of  deserters  until 
furnished  with  the  original  registers  of  the  vessels 
concerned ;  this  was  in  accordance  with  a  strict 
construction  of  the  wording  of  article  nine.  *As  to 
jurisdiction,  the  consuls  claimed  more  than  the 
convention  allowed  or  than  was  practicable.1 

Under  the  second  head,  relating  to  the  treaty 
with  England,  the  main  French  grievance  was  that 
the  list  of  contraband  was  increased,  whereas  it 
should  have  been  diminished,  in  accordance  with 
the  liberal  principles  of  the  armed  neutrality  of 
European  powers  during  the  American  Revolution. 
This  was  a  reform  earnestly  desired  by  the  United 
States,  and  which  Jay  had  vainly  endeavored  to 
get  incorporated  into  the  treaty.  As  it  was,  the  list 
of  contraband  adopted  was  precisely  that  recog 
nized  by  the  law  of  nations,  and  it  was  stipulated 
that  when  provisions  were  seized  they  should  be 
paid  for.  Another  charge  was  that  Jay's  treaty 
prevented  the  French  from  selling  their  prizes  in 
American  ports,  as  they  had  formerly  done  and 
claimed  the  right  to  do  under  their  treaty ;  but  the 
Secretary  of  State  showed  clearly  that  it  was  not 
a  right,  but  a  privilege  which  had  been  tempora 
rily  accorded  to  them.  They  had  the  advantage  of 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  181-184, 497,  vol.  iii,  pp.  8-10,  vol.  iv,  pp. 
114-117,  195,  202;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  681,  862. 


NEGOTIATIONS  21 

the  English,  however,  where  the  treaties  conflicted, 
by  reason  of  priority.  Nevertheless,  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  Jay's  treaty  was  detrimental  to  France. 
Poor  crops  at  home  made  her  dependent  upon 
America  for  food,  and  the  seizure  of  provisions  by 
the  English  worked  great  hardship.  The  lack  of 
accessible  ports  for  refitting  and  the  disposal  of 
prizes  was  also  severely  felt  by  the  French.  Their 
complaints,  therefore,  were  natural  and  not  unrea 
sonable.1 

A  complaint  of  a  more  special  and  temporary 
nature  related  to  an  outrage  committed  against  the 
French  minister,  Fauchet,  at  the  conclusion  of  his 
mission  in  the  United  States.  The  sloop  in  which  he 
sailed  for  Newport,  whence  he  was  to  take  his  home 
ward  passage,  was  held  up  off  that  port,  August  1, 
1795,  by  the  British  frigate  Africa;  but  Fauchet 
had  previously  landed  at  Stonington  with  his  papers. 
The  English  captain,  however,  caused  the  minister's 
baggage  on  the  sloop  to  be  searched,  and  also  sent 
an  insulting  letter  to  the  governor  of  Khode  Island 
by  the  British  vice-consul.  For  this  violation  of 
American  neutrality  and  of  the  law  of  nations,  the 
President  revoked  the  exequatur  of  the  consul,  or 
dered  the  Africa  away  from  Newport,  and  demanded 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  115-126,  185,  206-210,  253-273,  444- 
472,  477-488,  vol.  iv,  pp.  43-61,  66-70,  98,  99,  117-124;  Claims, 
p.  251;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  747,  824,  902,  911, 
934,  1006,  1066,  and  Index  for  further  references  to  Jay's  mission 
and  treaty.  On  the  difficulties  of  France  in  obtaining  food  and 
supplies,  see  Ibid.  pp.  8,  305,  319,  526-529;  Mahan,  ch.  v. 


22    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

reparation  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern 
ment.  l 

f  Such  were  the  causes  of  the  chronic  irritation 
characterizing  the  attitude  of  France  towards  the 
United  States,  which  led  to  the  enactment  by  the 
French  government  of  a  series  of  harsh  decrees 
that  dealt  a  severe  blow  at  American  commerce. 

On  the  occasion  of  Monroe's  taking  leave  of  the 
French  government  upon  his  recall,  December  30, 
1796,  President  Barras  of  the  Executive  Directory 
delivered  a  speech  referring  to  the  United  States 
government  in  terms  of  marked  disrespect,  and  aim 
ing  to  alienate  the  American  people  from  the  rulers 
that  they  themselves  had  chosen.  At  the  same  time 
the  Directory  refused  to  receive  Pinckney  as  United 
States  minister.  After  an  uncomfortable  stay  of 
several  weeks  in  Paris,  treated  with  discourtesy  and 
neglect,  he  was  ordered  to  leave  the  country,  and 
withdrew  to  Holland.2 

Notwithstanding  this  rebuff,  the  administration, 
sincerely  desirous  of  promoting  friendly  relations 
with  France,  decided^to  send  three  commissioners 
to  Paris,  who  were  to  make  another  attempt  to  re 
store  mutual  respect  and  amity,  to  adjust  the  claims 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  184,  498,  vol.  iii,  pp.  16-36 ;  Amer.  Hist. 
Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  772,  786,  855.     The  interception  by  the 
British  of  one  of  Fauchet's  earlier  dispatches  led  to  the  resigna 
tion  of  Secretary  Randolph ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
372,  411,  414,  444,  774,  783;  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  vol. 
vii,  p.  517. 

2  8t.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  pp.  85-88,  94-104, 109-114, 118, 140-142. 


NEGOTIATIONS  23 

of  American  citizens,  and  to  negotiate  a  new  treaty 
of  commerce.  The  envoys  appointed  by  President 
Adams  were  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  John  Marshall, 
and  Francis  Dana ;  Dana  declined  to  serve,  and  El- 
bridge  Gerry  was  appointed  in  his  place.  Marshall 
and  Gerry  sailed  for  Holland,  where  they  were 
joined  by  Pinckney.  All  three  then  proceeded  to 
Paris,  where  they  arrived  October  4,  1797.  Their 
position  during  their  six  months'  stay  in  France  was 
peculiar.  Although  accorded  an  unofficial  interview 
soon  after  their  arrival  by  Talleyrand,  mmisjber_of 
foreign  affairs,  they  were  refused  recognition  by  the 
Directory,  and  failed  to  receive  the  consideration 
and  respect  due  to  them  as  envoys  from  an  inde 
pendent  nation.  Their  intercourse  with  the  govern- 
mgnjj_was  indirect,  and  carried  on  through  three 
emissaries  of  the  Directory  whose  names  were  not 
made  public,  and  who  were  known  as  Messrs.  X,  Y, 
and  Z.  This  mission  to  France  was  accordingly 
called  the  X  Y  Z  mission.1 

It  was  represented  by  these  emissaries  that  the 
Directory  were  offended  at  president  Adams's  allu 
sion,  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  Congress,  to 
the  address  of  President  Barras  to  the  departing 
minister,  Monroe ;  and  that  an  explanation  would 
be  expected.  It  would  also  be  necessary,  in  order 
to  accommodate  the  differences  between  the  two 
countries,  that  the.  United  States  should^  advanceji 
loan  of  thirty-two  million  florins  to  France ;  and 
1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  pp.  338,  455-475. 


24    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

further,  as  a  balm  for  the  wounded  feelings  of  the 
French  Directory  and  ministers  and  to  facilitate 
negotiations,  a  "  douceur  for  the  pocket "  of  twelve 
hundred  thousand  livres  was  demanded.  This  pro 
posal,  however,  was  to  come  from  the  envoys.  The 
envoys  protested  that  they  had  no  authority  to 
make  a  loan,  and  that,  as  the  neutrality  of  the 
United  States  would  be  compromised  by  such  a 
measure,  their  government  could  not  be  expected 
to  give  them  authority.  In  vain  they  begged  for  an 
opportunity  to  discuss  the  real  questions  at  issue 
between  the  two  countries,  believing  that  a  mutual 
understanding  of  these  questions  would  lead  to 
reconciliation.  X  said :  "  '  Gentlemen,  you  do  not 
speak  to  the  point ;  it  is  money ;  it  is  expected  that 
you  will  offer  money.'  We  said  that  we  had  spoken 
to  that  point  very  explicitly ;  we  had  given  an  an 
swer.  « No,'  said  he,  '  you  have  not.  What  is  your 
answer  ? '  We  replied :  '  It  is  no,  no ;  not  a  six 
pence.'  .  .  .  He  said  we  ought  to  consider  what 
men  we  had  to  treat  with ;  that  they  disregarded 
the  justice  of  our  claims  ;  .  .  .  that  we  could  only 
acquire  an  interest  among  them  by  a  judicious  ap 
plication  of  money.  .  .  .  He  said  that  all  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Directory  were  not  disposed  to  receive 
our  money;  that  Merlin,  for  instance,  was  paid 
from  another  quarter,  and  would  touch  no  part  of 
the  douceur  which  was  to  come  from  us.  We  re 
plied  that  we  had  understood  that  Merlin  was  paid 
by  the  owners  of  the  privateers ;  and  he  nodded  an 


NEGOTIATIONS  25 

assent  to  the  fact."  *  Gerry  had  two  interviews  with 
Talleyrand,  on  one  occasion  accompanied  by  Y  and 
on  the  other  by  Z.  The  French  minister  alluded 
in  unmistakable  terms  to  the  subject  of  a  bribe  to 
be  offered  by  the  envoys,  and  also  said  that  infor 
mation  given  by  Y  "  might  always  be  relied  on." 
November  1  the  ^envoys  agreed  to  "  hold  no  more 
indirect  intercourse  with  the  government."  Six 
weeks  later,  however,  X  and  Y  again  attempted 
to  excite  the  Americans'  interest  in  their  financial 
schemes,  and  Pinckney  was  interviewed  on  the 
same  subject  by  a  lady  said  to  be  well  acquainted 
with  Talleyrand.  Y  threatened  that  if  nothing  were 
done  the  coasts  of  the  United  States  would  be  rav 
aged  by  French  frigates.2 

The  envoys  then  wrote  to  Talleyrand  a  long  letter, 
dated  January  17,  1798,  reviewing  the  relations  of 
the  two  governments  from  the  beginning.  Early  in 
March  they  had  two  interviews  with  him,  in  which 
he  urged  the  loan.  On  the  18th  he  replied  to  their 
letter,  rehearsing  the  old  complaints  and  expressing 
dissatisfaction  with  the  envoys  themselves;  two  of 
them,  he  said,  were  not  agreeable  to  the  Directory, 
but  with  the  third,  Gerry,  they  were  willing  to  treat. 
Pinckney  and  Marshall,  as  members  of  the  Feder 
alist  party,  were  not  acceptable  ministers.  The  as 
cendency  of  this  party  in  America  was  displeasing 
to  the  French,  whose  disappointment  at  the  result  of 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  p.  492,  vol.  iv,  p.  273. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  iii,  pp.  475-499,  vol.  iv,  pp.  5-25. 


26    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  last  presidential  election  was  doubtless  in  part 
responsible  for  their  unfriendly  attitude  at  this  time. 
Talleyrand's  letter  drew  from  the  envoys  another 
long  communication,  dated  April  3,  in  which  all  his 
arguments  were  well  met  and  the  lack  of  authority 
of  any  one  of  them  to  treat  alone  was  stated.  They 
asked  for  passports  and  letters  of  safe  conduct  for 
their  passage  home.  Pinckney  and  Marshall  were 
now  treated  with  marked  discourtesy,  and  took  their 
departure ;  Marshall  soon  returned  to  America.  In 
structions  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  March 
23,  arrived  later,  directing  the  envoys  to  leave  Paris 
at  once,  if  not  duly  received  by  the  Directory,  and 
in  no  case  to  listen  to  any  suggestion  of  a  loan. 
Gerry  was  induced  to  remain  by  a  threat  of  imme 
diate  war  if  he  did  not.1 

Gerry  was  approached  by  Talleyrand  on  the  sub 
ject  of  negotiations,  but  he  declined  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  unauthorized  to  treat  alone ;  and  in 
fact  he  soon  received  the  positive  orders  of  March 
23  to  return  home.  He  remained,  however,  until 
midsummer,  and  during  this  time  a  correspondence 
was  maintained  in  which  Talleyrand  endeavored  to 
bring  on  a  discussion  of  the  issues.  Gerry  refused 
to  be  drawn  into  negotiations,  and  repeatedly  de 
manded  his  passports.  He  has  been  severely  cen 
sured  for  allowing  his  apprehension  of  war  to  detain 
him  so  long  in  France.  At  this  period  a  published 
report  of  the  American  envoys'  interviews  with 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  26-142. 


NEGOTIATIONS  27 

X,  Y,  and  Z  came  to  the  attention  of  Talleyrand  and 
excited  his  indignation.  He  absolutely  denied  any 
knowledge  of  X,  Y,  and  Z,  or  of  their  negotiations, 
and  insisted  upon  knowing  their  names,  which,  after 
some  hesitation,  Gerry  weakly  revealed.1  That  the 
whole  affair  was  engineered  by  Talleyrand,  acting 
under  orders  of  the  Directory,  admits  of  no  doubt. 
Gerry's  colleagues  afterwards  certified  to  the  fact 
of  the  French  minister's  participation  in  the  nego 
tiations,  and  Marshall  was  "  struck  with  the  shame 
less  effrontery  of  affecting  to  Mr.  Gerry  ignorance 
of  the  persons  so  designated."  2  Gerry  finally  sailed 
for  America  in  the  United  States  brig  Sophia  about 
August  1,  leaving  the  affairs  of  his  country  in 
charge  of  Consul-General  Skip  with.3 

Thus  the  attempts  of  the  administration  to  ac 
commodate  matters  with  France  came  to  nothing, 
and  all  that  remained  to  be  done  was  to  adopt  a 
policy  of  armed  defense. 

1  The  names  of  Y  and  Z  were  Bellamy  and  Hautval ;  that  of 
X,  under  promise  of  secrecy,  was  not  published,  but  is  given  as 
Hottinguer  in  Narr.  and  Grit.  Hist.  vol.  vii,  p.  519. 

2  Pickering  [MSS.],  vol.  xxiii,  281,  320. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  153-282 ;  Adams,  vol.  viii,  p.  610. 


CHAPTER  III 

FRENCH    SPOLIATIONS 

IT  is  now  necessary  to  go  back  to  the  beginning  of 
the  war  in  Europe  and  follow  the  course  of  events 
resulting  from  the  misunderstandings  and  abuses 
of  treaty  obligations,  the  harsh  decrees  of  France, 
and  the  consequent  ravages  upon  American  ship 
ping. 

During  the  period  of  the  French  Revolution  and 
European  war,  neutral  commerce  suffered  severely 
at  the  hands  of  the  different  belligerents,  and  Amer 
ican  foreign  trade,  just  beginning  to  flourish  and 
bring  wealth  to  the  country,  received  a  serious  check. 
And  yet,  being  the  most  seafaring  people  among 
the  neutral  powers,  the  Americans  should  have  had 
the  largest  share  of  the  Atlantic  carrying  trade  and 
have  profited  correspondingly. 

In  a  message  to  Congress,  December  5,  1793, 
President  Washington  called  attention  to  these  facts. 
Those  who  had  suffered  loss  were  requested  to  fur 
nish  proof,  that  measures  might  be  taken  to  obtain 
redress.  On  the  evidence  thus  called  forth  were 
based  the  earliest  of  the  claims  for  indemnity  which 
have  been  urged  by  the  despoiled  mariners  and  their 
descendants  ever  since.  About  the  beginning  of 
1794  a  committee  of  Philadelphia  merchants  reported 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS  29 

numerous  cases,  with  proofs,  and  added :  "  It  has 
become  a  practice  for  many  of  the  privateers  of  the 
belligerent  powers  to  send  into  port  all  American 
vessels  they  meet  with,  bound  from  any  of  the  French 
ports  in  the  West  Indies  to  the  United  States ;  .  .  . 
and  though  many  of  those  vessels  have  been  after 
wards  liberated,  yet  the  loss  by  plunder,  detention, 
and  expense  is  so  great  as  to  render  it  ruinous  to  the 
American  owner."  The  Secretary  of  State,  Edmund 
Kandolph,  made  a  report  to  the  President,  March  2, 
1794,  on  these  proceedings.  England,  France,  Spain, 
and  Holland  were  the  powers  complained  of,  espe 
cially  the  first  two.  Their  aggressions  were  commit 
ted  under  the  authority  of  decrees  promulgated  by 
their  governments  and  aimed  at  neutral  carriers. 
The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  were  improved  not  long  after  this  time  by 
Jay's  treaty.  Injuries  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
Spanish  and  Dutch  were  comparatively  slight.  The 
French,  therefore,  for  a  number  of  years  to  come, 
were  the  chief  offenders.1 

May  9, 1793,  the  National  Convention  of  France 
issued  a  decree  2  authorizing  the  seizure,  on  board 
a  neutral  vessel,  of  enemies'  goods  or  of  provisions 
bound  to  an  enemy's  port,  the  latter  to  be  paid  for 
and  the  vessel  released  upon  the  discharge  of  the 
cargo.  The  United  States  minister,  Gouverneur 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  50,  494-499 ;  Court  of  Claims  Reports,  vol. 
xri,  p.  355. 

2  See  Appendix  III. 


30          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Morris,  complained  that  this  decree  violated  the 
twenty-third  article  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  of 
1778,  according  to  which  free  ships  made  free  goods. 
Thereupon  American  vessels  were  declared  exempt 
from  the  regulations  of  May  9  by  another  decree, 
that  of  May  23,  and  Morris  was  assured  that  he 
would  "  find  a  new  confirmation  of  the  principles 
from  which  the  French  people  will  never  depart 
with  regard  to  their  good  friends  and  allies  the 
United  States  of  America."  Yet  on  the  28th, 
through  the  corrupt  influence  of  the  owners  of  a 
privateer  that  had  captured  a  rich  American  ship, 
this  decree  of  the  23d  was  repealed.  This  was  just 
at  one  of  the  crises  of  the  French  Revolution,  and 
a  few  days  later  the  Girondists  were  overthrown 
by  the  Jacobins.  Upon  continued  complaints  by 
Morris,  the  Convention,  July  1,  passed  another 
decree,  again  declaring  "that  the  vessels  of  the 
United  States  are  not  comprised  in  the  regulations 
of  the  decree  of  the  9th  of  May  "  ;  but  this  was  once 
more  reversed,  July  27,  and  the  decree  of  May  9 
was  declared  to  be  in  full  force.  For  a  year  and  a 
half  this  state  of  things  continued,  and  many  cap 
tures  of  American  vessels  were  made  under  the  de 
cree  of  May  9,  1793,  until  it  was  finally  repealed, 
January  3, 1795,  partial  relief  having  been  afforded 
by  a  decree  of  November  15,  1794.  Then  for  the 
next  year  and  a  half  American  commerce  was  com 
paratively  undisturbed ;  but  on  July  2,  1796,  the 
French  government  enacted  the  first  of  a  series  of 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS  31 

harsh  decrees  which  brought  matters  to  a  crisis  in 
1798.1 

The  Secretary  of  State,  Timothy  Pickering,  in 
a  report  dated  February  27,  1797,  indicates  the 
character  of  the  injuries  suffered  by  merchants  and 
mariners  as  follows :  "  1.  Spoliations  and  maltreat 
ment  of  their  vessels  at  sea  by  French  ships  of 
war  and  privateers ;  2.  A  distressing  and  long- 
continued  embargo  laid  upon  their  vessels  at  Bor 
deaux,  in  the  years  1793  and  1794 ;  3.  The  non 
payment  of  bills  and  other  evidences  of  debts, 
drawn  by  the  colonial  administrations  in  the  West 
Indies  ;  4.  The  seizure  or  forced  sales  of  the  car 
goes  of  their  vessels  and  the  appropriating  of  them 
to  public  use  without  paying  for  them,  or  paying 
inadequately,  or  delaying  payment  for  a  great 
length  of  time ;  5.  The  non-performance  of  con 
tracts  made  by  the  agents  of  the  government  for 
supplies;  6.  The  condemnation  of  their  vessels  and 
cargoes  under  such  of  the  marine  ordinances  of 
France  as  are  incompatible  with  the  treaties  sub 
sisting  between  the  two  countries ;  and  7.  The 
captures  sanctioned  by  a  decree  of  the  National 
Convention  of  the  9th  of  May,  1793,  ...  in  viola 
tion  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce."  2 

In  justification  of  their  decrees,  the  French 
maintained  that  they  were  made  necessary  by  sim- 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  i,  pp.  419, 420,  453-460,  vol.  ii,  pp.  174,  434-438, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  37-55,  180,  vol.  vii,  pp.  147-154 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc. 
1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  641,  668. 

a  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  p.  37. 


32          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ilar  regulations  enacted  by  other  nations,  particu 
larly  England.  An  instance  of  this  species  of  retal 
iation,  of  which  the  unoffending  neutral  was  made 
the  victim,  was  furnished  by  the  decree  of  July  2, 
1796,  which  provided  that  neutrals  should  be 
treated  by  France  as  they  permitted  themselves  to 
be  treated  by  England.  This  gave  a  large  measure 
of  arbitrary  power  to  commanders  of  French  war 
vessels  and  privateers  and  to  French  consuls;  a 
power  which  was  often  abused,  and  which  resulted 
in  the  capture  of  a  large  number  of  American  ves 
sels.  This  decree  was  followed  and  reinforced  by 
others  enacted  by  agents  of  the  Directory  in  the 
West  Indies,  where  from  this  time  on  most  of  the 
spoliations  of  American  commerce  were  made.  Dis 
appointment  at  the  election  of  President  Adams 
and  resentment  over  Jay's  treaty  with  England 
inspired  the  decree  of  March  2,  1797, 1  which  pro 
vided  that  enemies'  goods  in  a  neutral  ship  should 
be  seized,  the  ship  being  released ;  that  Americans 
serving  in  enemies'  ships  should  be  deemed  pirates ; 
and  that  an  American  ship  not  having  a  role  d* equi 
page,  or  list  of  the  crew  in  proper  form,  should  be 
lawful  prize.  This  meant  that  an  American  seaman 
unfortunate  enough  to  be  impressed  into  the  Brit 
ish  naval  service  might  be  hanged  at  the  yard-arm 
of  a  French  ship,  if  captured.  The  requirement 
of  the  role  d?  equipage,  based  on  a  strained  inter 
pretation  of  the  twenty-fifth  and  twenty-seventh 
1  See  Appendix  III  for  these  decrees. 


FRENCH   SPOLIATIONS  33 

articles  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  of  1778,  caused 
heavy  losses  until  American  shipmasters  had  learned 
the  necessity  of  providing  themselves  with  this 
paper.  The  treaty  did  not  require  the  crew  list  to 
be  kept  on  the  vessel,  but  merely  to  be  entered  "  in 
the  proper  office."  Yet  even  admitting  the  French 
contention,  the  treaty  prescribed  no  penalty  for 
non-performance,  and  so  severe  a  measure  as  con 
demnation  was  unjustifiable;  this  was  the  decision 
of  the  French  council  of  prizes  in  one  case.1  This 
decree  also  extended  the  list  of  contraband  to  con 
form  with  Jay's  treaty.  The  provision  as  to  piracy 
was  based  on  article  twenty-one  of  Jay's  treaty, 
which,  however,  applied  only  to  persons  holding 
a  privateer's  commission  and  to  no  subordinate, 
whether  or  not  serving  under  compulsion.2 

When  American  prizes  had  become  scarcer  by 
reason  of  ships  being  generally  provided  with  the 
role  d'equipage,  the  French  Directory  enacted  the 
decree  of  January  18,  17 98,3  which  condemned  as 
good  prize  all  neutral  vessels  loaded  with  goods 
coming  from  an  enemy's  country.  This  was  the  last 
decree  before  the  failure  of  negotiations  in  the  spring 
of  1798,  but  three  others  were  promulgated  before 
the  end  of  the  year.  The  first  was  that  of  July  31, 

1  For  discussion  of  the  role  d"1  equipage,  see  Ct.  Claims  Hep.  vol. 
xxii,  pp.  49-57 ;  Doc.  102,  p.  156. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  171-173, 178,  187-195,  472^77,  vol.  iii, 
pp.  40,  55-83,  119-122,  171,  172,  178-186,  439-451,  467,  vol.  iv, 
pp.  63-80,  121 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  923,  1072, 
1080 ;  Mahan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  242-248. 

3  See  Appendix  III. 


34    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

which  was  conciliatory  but  disingenuous.  The 
second,  of  August  16,  raised  an  embargo  recently 
laid  on  American  vessels.  The  third,  that  of  October 
29,  a  second  time  declared  all  neutrals  serving  on 
the  ships  of  enemies,  whether  or  not  under  compul 
sion,  to  be  pirates  and  subject  to  treatment  as  such. 
This  last  decree  was  soon  suspended,  but  that  of 
March  2,  1797,  of  much  the  same  import,  still  re 
mained  in  force.1 

The  great  commercial  importance  of  the  "West 
Indies  made  this  region  one  of  the  principal  centres 
of  naval  activity  during  the  European  war.  These 
islands  were  to  a  great  extent  dependent  upon  the 
neighboring  continent  for  provisions,  and  a  very 
large  share  in  the  West  India  trade  fell  to  the  United 
States.  For  this  reason  American  shipping  was  pecul 
iarly  exposed  to  the  aggressions  of  the  belligerents. 
In  Haiti  a  bloody  revolt  of  slaves  had  been  going 
on  for  some  years,  and  they  finally  gained  control 
of  the  whole  island,  under  their  leader,  Toussaint 
L'Ouverture,  a  pure  negro,  who  governed  it  well 
though  harshly,  and  held  it  until  1802.  Although 
French  commissioners  were  supposed  to  rule  Haiti, 
or  San  Domingo,  as  the  whole  island  was  called,  they 
had  no  real  power.  This  revolution  caused  great  suf 
fering  on  the  island,  and  many  refugees  found  their 
way  to  the  United  States.  Among  the  Lesser  An 
tilles  the  French  islands  of  Guadeloupe,  Martinique, 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  pp.  451-455,  vol.  iv,  pp.  80-82, 129-133,  223, 
243-245,  262-285,  vol.  vii,  pp.  154-162. 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS  35 

Santa  Lucia,  and  Tobago,  being  to  windward,  had 
a  great  advantage  in  position.  All  these  islands  early 
in  1794  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  whose 
naval  supremacy  in  the  West  Indies  was  undisputed ; 
but  before  the  end  of  the  year  Guadeloupe,  being 
weakly  garrisoned,  was  recaptured.  This  was  accom 
plished  after  a  struggle  of  several  months  by  a  force 
of  frigates  and  transports  which  had  come  out  from 
France.  With  this  expedition  came  Victor  Hugues, 
a  commissioner  of  the  National  Convention,  who  as 
sumed  the  government  of  the  island.  His  administra 
tion  was  cruel  but  able.  Guadeloupe  now  became  the 
base  of  operations  of  French  cruisers  and  privateers 
in  the  West  Indies.  By  1796  both  Holland  and  Spain 
had  become  allies  of  France,  and  their  ports  in  the 
West  Indies  were  thenceforth  open  to  French  priva 
teers.  Four  decrees  were  issued  by  French  agents  in 
the  West  Indies  between  August,  1796,  and  Febru 
ary,  1797 ;  three  of  them  by  Victor  Hugues  and  the 
other  by  the  French  commissioners  at  Cape  Francois 
(Cap  Haitien).  These  decrees  directed  the  seizure 
of  American  vessels  if  loaded  with  contraband,  or 
if  bound  to  or  from  English  ports.1 

From  the  reports  of  Consul-General  Skipwith  at 
Paris,  and  other  sources,  many  illustrative  cases 

i  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  p.  178,  vol.  iii,  pp.  40, 55,  77-83, 171-175,  vol. 
iv,  p.  65,  vol.  vii,  pp.  165-168,  vol.  x,  pp.  349-351 ;  Amer.  Hist. 
Assoc.  1903,  vol.  ii,  pp.  45, 63, 72, 76-85, 97, 122, 126,  152,  219, 224, 
259,  262,  311,  362,  461,  542,  609,625,  688,  705,  765,  789,  804;  Jef 
ferson,  vol.  v,  p.  394,  vol.  vi,  p.  349  j  Mahan,  ch.  iv ;  Narr.  and 
Crit.  Hist.  vol.  viii,  pp.  282-285. 


36    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

might  be  cited,  in  order  to  indicate  the  sort  of  ex 
periences  and  the  losses,  privations,  and  hardships 
of  American  shipowners  and  mariners.  During  the 
earlier  years  of  the  war,  a  great  many  vessels  were 
either  captured  at  sea  and  sent  into  French  ports 
or  detained  in  port  and  subjected  to  great  annoyance 
and  interminable  delays.  Some  of  the  claims  for 
loss  in  these  cases  were  settled  with  the  French  gov 
ernment  by  Consul  Skipwith,  but  in  the  far  greater 
number  nothing  could  be  done.  In  1793  an  em 
bargo  was  laid  on  shipping  in  the  port  of  Bordeaux, 
and  one  hundred  and  three  American  vessels  were 
detained  there  more  than  a  year.  Skipwith  says, 
October,  1794 :  "I  can  assure  you  that  there  are 
near  three  hundred  sail  of  American  vessels  now  in 
the  ports  of  France,  all  of  whom  have  suffered  or 
are  suffering  more  or  less  delay  and  difficulties."  l 

The  charge  was  made  that  it  was  a  common  prac 
tice  of  American  consuls  in  Europe  to  be  financially 
interested  in  French  privateers.  It  was  said  that 
many  of  them  were  poor  men  and  yielded  to  the 
temptation  of  reaping  great  profits,  hoping  in  each 
case,  perhaps,  that  the  prizes  taken  would  be  Eng 
lish.  The  consul  at  Bordeaux,  Joseph  Fenwick,  was 
removed  from  office  on  this  account,  it  having  been 
shown  that  he  was  the  principal  owner  of  a  privateer 
that  had  taken  an  American  ship. 2  A  few  American 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  pp.  9-12,  vol.  iii,  pp.  44-77 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Assoc. 
1903,  vol.  ii,  p.  321. 

2  Pickering,  vol.  x,  9,  vol.  xxi,  289,  298,  299,  353,  355. 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS  37 

shipmasters,  too,  were  so  debased  as  to  be  willing 
to  command  French  privateers  and  prey  upon  their 
countrymen.1  For  such  offenses,  by  an  act  of  June 
14, 1797,  Congress  provided  severe  penalties.2 

The  decree  of  July  2, 1796,  and  those  following, 
were  marked  by  increasing  harshness,  and  Amer 
icans  captured  under  them  were  not  only  subjected 
to  annoyance  and  delay,  but  often  to  maltreatment 
and  the  confiscation  of  their  vessels  and  property. 
Joel  Barlow,  long  a  resident  of  Paris,  says  of  the 
decree  of  March  2, 1797,  that  it  "  was  meant  to  be 
little  short  of  a  declaration  of  war."  3  The  truth  of 
this  will  appear  from  two  or  three  instances.  The 
schooner  Zilpha  of  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire, 
homeward  bound  from  Tobago,  was  captured  Feb 
ruary  24, 1797,  by  the  French  privateer  Hirondale, 
and  taken  into  Porto  Rico.  All  her  papers  were 
seized,  she  was  stripped  of  sails,  rigging,  and  provi 
sions,  and  the  master  and  crew  ordered  to  leave  her. 
They  found  their  way  home  on  another  American 
vessel.4  The  ship  Commerce  of  Newburyport,  bound 
for  Jamaica,  on  the  25th  of  December,  1796,  fell  in 
with  a  French  privateer.  While  hove  to,  in  obedi 
ence  to  a  gun  from  the  privateer,  the  Commerce 
received  a  broadside  from  her  which  wounded  four 
men.5  The  brig  Calliope  of  New  York,  bound  from 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  pp.  114-118,  259,  vol.  iv,  p.  271. 

2  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  520. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  269, 270.  See,  also,  Todd's  Life  of  Barlow, 
pp.  155-171. 
*  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  pp.  198,  285.  6  Xbid.  p.  208. 


38    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Teneriffe  to  Curasao  with  a  cargo  of  wine,  was  cap 
tured  March  10,  1797,  by  a  French  privateer  ten 
leagues  east  of  Martinique.  She  was  sent  into  Basse 
Terre,  Guadeloupe,  and  condemned  as  lawful  prize.1 
The  ship  Cincinnatus  of  Baltimore  was  taken  at 
sea,  March  7, 1797,  by  a  French  armed  brig.  Her 
captain  was  tortured  with  thumbscrews  to  induce 
him  to  declare  his  cargo  to  be  English  property. 
This  he  refused  to  do,  and  was  finally  released  with 
his  vessel,  after  having  been  robbed  of  much  of 
his  private  property  and  nearly  all  his  provisions.2 
These  few  cases,  selected  from  hundreds,  give  an 
idea  what  the  French  spoliations  were.3 

During  the  mission  of  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and 
Gerry  in  France,  their  dispatches  were  transmitted 
by  the  State  Department  to  Congress,  where  they 
excited  deep  interest,  and  the  X  Y  Z  episode 
strengthened  national  feeling  and  created  opposi 
tion  to  France.  In  his  message  of  June  21,  1798, 
announcing  Marshall's  return  home  and  the  final 
failure  of  negotiations,  the  President  says :  "  I  will 
never  send  another  minister  to  France  without 
assurances  that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and 
honored  as  the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  pow 
erful,  and  independent  nation."  4 

Congress  had  already  begun  to  act,  and  during 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  p.  231.  2  Ibid.  p.  293. 

8  Ibid.  pp.  105-108,  170-178, 186-298,  321, 448-451.  See,  also, 
Hoxse,  eh.  ii,  iii,  iv,  v.  An  imperfect  list  of  the  spoliations,  444  in 
number,  is  given  in  For.  Rel.  vol.  vi,  p.  564. 

*  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  p.  137. 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS  39 

the  spring  and  summer  of  1798  adopted  a  number 
of  warlike  measures.  The  first  of  these  was  an  act, 
passed  April  27,  to  provide  additional  armament 
for  the  protection  of  American  trade ;  and  on  the 
30th  another,  organizing  the  Navy  Department.1 
Acts  soon  followed  directing  the  construction  and 
purchase  of  more  vessels,  authorizing  the  capture  of 
French  vessels,  suspending  intercourse  with  France, 
establishing  the  marine  corps,  and  making  other 
necessary  provision  for  hostilities.  Inasmuch  as 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  treaties 
are  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  these  measures  of 
defense,  being  in  conflict  with  the  existing  treaties 
with  France,  were  deemed  unlawful.  Therefore,  to 
avoid  this  difficulty  as  well  as  to  get  rid  of  trouble 
some  obligations,  the  treaties  were  abrogated  by  the 
act  of  July  7,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  already 
been  violated  by  France.2  On  the  13th  the  Presi 
dent  revoked  the  exequaturs  of  Consul-General 
Letombe  and  all  other  French  consuls  in  the  United 
States.3 

The  army  also  was  increased,  and  on  July  2  the 
President  nominated  Washington  "to  be  Lieuten- 
ant-General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the 
armies  raised  or  to  be  raised  in  the  United  States." 
The  nomination  was  promptly  confirmed,  and  upon 
accepting  the  appointment  Washington  wrote  to  the 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  552,  553. 

2  Ibid.  p.  578. 

8  Adams,  vol.  ix,  p.  170. 


40          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

President,  July  13,  1798 :  "I  must  not  conceal 
from  you  my  earnest  wish  that  the  choice  had  fallen 
upon  a  man  less  declined  in  years  and  better  quali 
fied  to  encounter  the  usual  vicissitudes  of  war.  .  .  . 
Feeling  how  incumbent  it  is  upon  every  person,  of 
every  description,  to  contribute  at  all  times  to  his 
country's  welfare,  and  especially  in  a  moment  like 
the  present,  when  everything  we  hold  dear  and 
sacred  is  so  seriously  threatened,  I  have  finally  de 
termined  to  accept  the  commission  of  Command er- 
in-Chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States."  l 
1  Richardson,  vol.  i,  pp.  267,  268 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  x,  pp.  465, 466. 


CHAPTER  IV 

NAVAL   PREPARATION 

AT  the  time  trouble  with  France  began  the  United 
States  had  no  armed  vessels  whatever,  if  we  except 
a  few  small  revenue  cutters  manned  by  crews  of 
half  a  dozen  each.  Five  vessels  only  of  the  Revolu 
tionary  navy  had  outlived  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
war,  and  these  had  been  disposed  of  long  before, 
the  last  survivor  having  been  the  frigate  Alliance, 
which  was  sold  in  1785.  The  officers  and  men,  too, 
of  the  Revolutionary  navy  and  marine  corps  had  of 
course  been  disbanded.  One  or  two  of  the  officers 
were  employed  by  the  Treasury  Department  on  the 
revenue  cutters,  and  others  were  in  the  merchant 
marine.  Some  of  them  were  to  reenter  the  national 
service  later  when  the  new  navy  became  established. 
No  sooner  had  the  old  navy  disappeared  than  the 
need  of  such  a  force  began  to  be  appreciated.  In 
1785  two  American  merchantmen  were  seized  by 
Algerine  pirates  and  their  crews  enslaved.  Jeffer 
son,  then  minister  to  France,  began  at  once  to  urge 
the  necessity  of  a  naval  force  to  protect  American 
commerce  in  the  Mediterranean.  His  efforts,  how 
ever,  were  not  effectively  seconded.  A  committee  of 
Congress  in  1786  and  a  Senate  committee  in  1791 
reported  favorably  on  the  subject,  and  in  1790  and 


42    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

1791  estimates  of  the  cost  of  building  frigates  were 
obtained  by  the  Secretary  of  War  and  submitted  to 
the  Senate,  but  nothing  came  of  these  movements. 
It  was  not  until  after  the  capture  by  the  Algerines 
of  eleven  more  vessels  in  1793  that  any  decided  ac 
tion  was  taken  by  the  government.  A  bill  providing 
for  six  frigates,  four  of  forty-four  guns  each  and  two 
of  thirty-six,  was  reported  in  the  House  of  Kepresent- 
atives,  January  20, 1794,  which  passed  both  houses 
of  Congress  and  received  the  President's  signature 
March  27.  Opposition  to  the  bill  was  strong,  and  it 
was  only  allowed  to  pass  when  so  amended  as  to  in 
clude  the  condition  that  all  work  on  the  ships  should 
cease  in  case  of  peace  being  concluded  with  Algiers. 
This  condition  was  met  by  the  treaty  of  September 
5,  1795.  Nevertheless,  by  the  supplementary  act 
of  April  20,  1796,  the  completion  of  three  of  the 
frigates  was  authorized.  An  act  of  June  5,  1794, 
provided  for  ten  galleys,  if  "  necessary  for  the 
protection  of  the  United  States,"  but  the  necessity 
did  not  arise.1 

The  vessels  built  under  the  act  of  March  27, 
1794,  were  designed  by,  or  under  the  direction  of, 
Joshua  Humphreys,  a  shipbuilder  of  Philadelphia, 
who  was  no  doubt  the  best  man  in  the  country  for  the 
purpose.  His  good  sense  and  foresight  inaugurated 
a  policy  in  naval  construction  which  has  been  gen- 

1  Naval  Chronicle,  ch.  ii ;  Naval  Affairs,  vol.  i,  pp.  5, 25 ;  Report 
Senate  Committee,  vol.  iv,  p.  5 ;  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  350,  376, 
394, 453  ;  Benton's  Debates  of  Congress,  vol.  i,  pp.  473-482 ;  Naval 
Institute,  September,  1906,  pp.  1002,  1003. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  43 

erally,  though  not  always,  adhered  to  ever  since; 
that  is,  the  wise  policy  of  building  the  best  and  most 
powerful  vessels  of  their  class.  Humphreys'  views 
are  set  forth  in  his  correspondence.  He  had  been 
interested  in  the  subject  from  the  time  a  new  navy 
had  first  been  proposed,  and  in  January,  1793, 
had 'written  to  Robert  Morris,  then  in  the  Senate : 
"  Ships  that  compose  the  European  navys  are  gen 
erally  distinguished  by  their  rates ;  but  as  the  situ 
ation  and  depth  of  water  of  our  coasts  and  harbors 
are  different  in  some  degrees  from  those  in  Europe, 
and  as  our  navy  for  a  considerable  time  will  be 
inferior  in  numbers,  we  are  to  consider  wBiat  size 
ships  will  be  most  formidable  and  be  an  overmatch  * 
for  those  of  an  enemy ;  such  frigates  a»  in  blowing 
weather  would  be  an  overmatch  for  double-deck 
ships,  and  in  light  winds  to  evade  coming  to  action  ; 
or  double-deck  ships  that  would  be  an  overmatch 
for  common  double-deck  ships,  and  in  blowing 
weather  superior  to  ships  of  three  decks,  or  in  calm 
weather  or  light  winds  to  outsail  them.  Ships  built 
on  these  principles  will  render  those  of  an  enemy  in 
a  degree  useless,  or  require  a  greater  number  before 
they  dare  attack  our  ships.  Frigates  I  suppose  will 
be  the  first  object,  and  none  ought  to  be  built 
less  than  150  feet  keel,  to  carry  twenty-eight  32- «/ 
pounders  or  thirty  24-pounders  on  the  gun  deck  and 
12-pounders  on  the  quarter-deck.  .  .  .  Frigates 
built  to  carry  12  and  18-pounders,  in  my  opinion, 
will  not  answer  the  expectation  contemplated  from 


44          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

them,  or  if  we  should  be  obliged  to  take  a  part  in 
the  present  European  war,  or  at  a  future  day  we 
should  be  dragged  into  a  war  with  any  powers  of  the 
Old  Continent,  especially  Great  Britain,  they  having 
such  a  number  of  ships  of  that  size  that  it  would  be 
an  equal  chance  by  equal  combat  that  we  lose  our 
ships."  After  the  adoption  of  his  plans  he  wrote : 
"  It  was  determined  of  importance  to  this  country 
to  take  the  lead  in  a  class  of  ships  not  in  use  in 
Europe,  which  would  be  the  only  means  of  making 
our  little  navy  of  any  importance.  It  would  oblige 
other  Powers  to  follow  us  intact,  instead  of  our  fol 
lowing  them  ;  considering  at  the  same  time  it  was 
not  impossible  we  should  be  brought  into  a  war  with 
some  of  the  European  nations ;  and  if  we  should 
be  so  engaged  and  had  ships  of  equal  size  with  theirs, 
for  want  of  experience  and  discipline,  which  can 
not  immediately  be  expected,  in  an  engagement  we 
should  not  have  an  equal  chance  and  probably  lose 
our  ships.  Ships  of  the  present  construction  have 
everything  in  their  favor ;  their  great  length  gives 
them  the  advantage  of  sailing,  which  is  an  object 
of  the  first  magnitude.  They  are  superior  to  any 
European  frigate,  and  if  others  should  be  in  com 
pany,  our  frigates  can  always  lead  ahead  and  never 
be  obliged  to  go  into  action  but  on  their  own  terms, 
except  in  a  calm  ;  in  blowing  weather  our  ships  are 
capable  of  engaging  to  advantage  double-deck  ships. 
These  reasons  weighed  down  all  objections."  l 
i  HoBis,  pp.  35-37. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  45 

Again,  in  his  first  report,  December  23,  1794, 
Humphreys  says :  "  As  soon  as  Congress  had  agreed 
to  build  frigates,  it  was  contemplated  to  make  them 
the  most  powerful  and  at  the  same  time  the  most 
useful  ships.  After  the  most  extensive  researches  and 
mature  deliberations,  their  dimensions  were  fixed 
and  I  was  directed  to  prepare  the  draughts,  which 
was  accordingly  done  and  approved.  Those  plans 
appear  to  be  similar  with  those  adopted  by  France 
in  their  great  experience  in  naval  architecture,  they 
having  cut  down  several  of  their  seventy-fours  to 
make  heavy  frigates,  making  them  nearly  of  the 
dimensions  of  those  for  the  United  States.  From 
the  construction  of  those  ships  it  is  expected  the 
commanders  of  them  will  have  it  in  their  power  to 
engage,  or  not,  any  ship  as  they  may  think  proper ; 
and  no  ship  under  sixty-four  now  afloat  but  what 
must  submit  to  them."  1 

A  few  days  later  the  Secretary  of  War,  General 
Henry  Knox,  in  whose  department  the  work  was 
done,  the  Navy  Department  not  yet  having  been 
established,  reported  to  the  House  of  Kepresenta- 
tives  :  "  That  the  passing  of  the  said  act  created  an 
anxious  solicitude  that  this  second  commencement 
of  a  navy  for  the  United  States  be  worthy  of  their 
national  character.  That  the  vessels  should  combine 
such  qualities  of  strength,  durability,  swiftness  of 
sailing,  and  force  as  to  render  them  equal,  if  not  su 
perior,  to  any  frigates  belonging  to  any  of  the  Euro- 
1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  8. 


46          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

pean  Powers.  Researches  therefore  have  been  made 
for  the  best  principles  of  construction  and  such  pro 
portions  adopted  as  have  appeared  best,  upon  the 
most  mature  advice  and  deliberation.  The  largest 
ships,  of  forty-four  guns,  will  be  constructed  upon 
a  scale  to  contain  thirty  cannons  of  the  caliber  of 
twenty-four  pounds,  upon  the  gun  deck.  The  others, 
of  thirty-six,  twenty-eight  cannons  of  the  same  caliber 
upon  the  gun  deck.  The  remaining  force  will  be 
made  up  of  twelve  pounders  and  brass  howitzers. 
The  frigates  will  be  built  of  live  oak  and  red  cedar 
in  all  parts  where  they  can  be  used  to  advantage. 
These  valuable  woods  afford  the  United  States  the 
highest  advantages  in  building  ships,  the  durability 
being  estimated  at  five  times  that  of  the  common 
white  oak.  Besides  these  woods,  the  best  white  oak, 
pitch  pine,  and  locust  are  directed  to  be  used  in  the 
construction." l 

The  plans  for  the  forty-fours  provided  for  a 
length  over  all  of  about  a  hundred  and  seventy-five 
feet  and  a  tonnage  of  fifteen  hundred  and  seventy- 
six,  while  the  thirty-sixes  were  to  be  about  eleven 
feet  shorter  and  to  measure  twelve  hundred  and 
sixty-five  tons.2  The  larger  frigates  were  to  be 
manned  by  three  hundred  and  fifty-nine  officers  and 
men,  the  smaller  by  three  hundred  and  twelve.3 
It  was  decided  to  build  the  frigates  at  six  different 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  6.  2  Ibid.  pp.  10, 13. 

8  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  54,  55,  99,  331 ;  these  numbers  were  after 
wards  increased  to  four  hundred  and  three  hundred  and  forty. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  47 

seaports,  and  by  the  government  through  agents 
rather  than  by  contract.  Shipyards  were  rented  and 
naval  agents  appointed  in  the  six  ports.  The  work 
on  each  ship  was  in  charge  of  a  naval  constructor 
and  under  the  direction  of  a  superintendent,  who 
was  to  command  the  vessel  when  completed.1 

Much  time  was  required  for  the  building  of  these 
frigates.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  keels  were  laid 
until  late  in  1795,  and  after  that  the  work  proceeded ' 
slowly.  This  was  partly  due  to  the  minute  and  pains 
taking  care  bestowed  on  the  plans  and  the  prepara 
tions  for  working  out  the  important  problem  of  pro 
ducing  "the  most  powerful  and  at  the  same  time 
the  most  useful  ships,"  and  partly  to  the  uncommon 
thoroughness  of  their  construction.  The  delay  was 
chiefly  due,  however,  to  difficulties  met  with  in  pro- 1 
curing  live-oak  timber.  For  this  purpose  wood 
cutters  were  sent  from  New  England  to  Georgia, 
and  a  sufficient  quantity  of  the  timber  had  not  been 
delivered  at  the  various  shipyards,  when,  in  the 
spring  of  1796,  work  on  three  of  the  frigates  was 
suspended. 

The  three  ships  chosen  for  completion  under  the 
act  of  April  20,  1796,  were  the  United  States  and 
Constitution,  of  forty-four  guns  each,  and  the  Con 
stellation,  of  thirty-six.  All  three  became  famous 
in  later  years,  and  the  last  two  are  still  on  the 
Navy  Register. 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  6 ;  Nav.  Inst.  September,  1906,  p.  1007. 

2  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp.  6-31. 


48    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

The  United  States  was  built  at  Philadelphia  by 
Joshua  Humphreys,  the  chief  naval  constructor 
and  designer  of  all  the  frigates.  Her  construction 
was  superintended  by  Captain  John  Barry,  who 
was  to  command  her  when  finished.  She  was 
launched  May  10,  1797,  and  slid  into  the  water 
with  such  precipitation  that  she  received  some  dam 
age.  She  was  the  first  vessel  of  the  new  navy,  and 
excited  the  enthusiasm  of  the  friends  of  the  navy 
and  the  derision  of  the  ultra  French  party.1  The 
second  ship  to  reach  the  water  was  the  Constel 
lation,  which  was  launched  September  7,  at  Balti 
more.  The  Constitution  was  built  at  Boston,  under 
the  supervision  of  Colonel  George  Claghorne,  naval 
constructor,  and  of  Captain  Samuel  Nicholson,  her 
future  commander,  at  the  shipyard  of  Edmund 
Hartt,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Constitution  Wharf. 
She  was  ready  to  launch  in  September,  1797,  and 
the  attempt  was  made  before  a  great  crowd  of 
people ;  but  she  stuck  on  the  ways,  which  had  been 
given  too  little  inclination  in  order  to  avoid  an 
accident  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States.  All 
efforts  to  get  her  into  the  water  failed,  to  the  mor 
tification  of  Colonel  Claghorne  and  the  great  dis 
appointment  of  the  spectators.  It  was  necessary  to 
reconstruct  the  ways  and  wait  for  the  next  spring 
tide.  At  last  she  was  successfully  launched  October 
21.2 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  28 ;  Barry,  ch.  xxvii. 

2  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  56 ;  Hollis,  ch.  iv. 


\ 


I 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  49 

The  first  officers  selected  for  the  new  navy  were 
six  captains,  whose  appointments  were  announced 
June  5,  1794. l  They  were  John  Barry,  Samuel 
Nicholson,  Silas  Talbot,  Joshua  Barney,  Richard 
Dale,  and  Thomas  Truxtun,  who  were  to  take  rank 
in  the  order  given.  The  first  two  had  served  the 
country  well  as  captains  in  the  Revolutionary  navy, 
Barry  having  commanded  the  Alliance  late  in  the 
war.  Talbot  had  been  to  sea  in  early  life,  and  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  had  entered  the 
army  as  captain,  being  later  promoted  to  lieutenant- 
colonel.  He  then  received  a  captain's  commission 
in  the  navy,  and,  although  no  suitable  command 
could  be  provided  for  him,  he  did  good  service  on 
small  vessels.  Barney  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  Revo 
lutionary  navy.  Dale  was  Paul  Jones's  first  lieu 
tenant  in  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  Truxtun  was  a 
Revolutionary  privateersman.  Barney  declined  to 
serve  as  junior  to  Talbot,  whom  he  considered  a 
landsman  on  account  of  his  army  career.  In  his 
place  James  Sever  was  appointed,  to  take  rank  be 
low  Truxtun. 

Each  of  the  six  captains  was  detailed  to  super 
intend  the  construction  of  one  of  the  new  frigates. 
This  arrangement  subsequently  raised  a  question 
of  rank,  which  may  be  referred  to  here.  When  in 
1796  work  on  three  of  the  frigates  was  suspended, 
the  officers  detailed  to  those  vessels,  Talbot,  Dale, 
and  Sever,  were  notified  that  their  services  were 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  58. 


50          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

no  longer  needed,  and  that  their  pay  must  be 
stopped;  but  they  were  not  discharged  from  the 
service.  In  1798  President  Adams  reappointed 
them  and  sent  their  names  a  second  time  to  the 
Senate  for  confirmation,  which  appears  to  have 
been  unnecessary.  Thereupon  Truxtun  claimed  rank 
over  Talbot  and  Dale.  His  claim  was  disallowed 
and  he  resigned,  but  his  resignation  was  not  ac 
cepted,  and  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  remain  in  the 
service.1 

Although  the  President  was  authorized  by  the  act 
of  March  27,  1794,  to  appoint  twenty-two  lieuten 
ants,  six  lieutenants  of  marines,  and  other  commis 
sioned  officers  to  the  number  of  fifty-four  in  all,  no 
others  than  the  captains  were  appointed  until  need 
for  them  arose,  which  was  not  until  1798.  With 
the  rapid  expansion  of  the  navy  in  that  year  many 
officers  were  needed  at  short  notice,  and  they  were 
not  always  selected  with  discriminating  care.  As  a 
rule  they  were  taken  from  the  merchant  marine, 
and  many  were  veterans  of  the  national  or  privateer 
sea  service  of  the  Eevolution.  Before  1801  more  than 
two  hundred  commissioned  officers  were  appointed, 
including  thirty  or  more  captains.  In  order  to  give 
the  best  men  the  highest  rank,  it  was  sometimes  ne 
cessary  to  date  their  commissions  back  so  that  they 
might  take  precedence  over  others  who  had  entered 

1  Nav.  Chron.  ch.  xv ;  Talbot,  ch.  vii ;  Adams,  vol.  viii,  pp.  663, 
664,  669-675,  vol.  ix,  p.  12 ;  Nav.  Inst.  September,  1906,  p.  1023 ; 
Navy  Department  MSS. :  Letters  to  President,  16, 51,  53 ;  General 
Letters,  vol.  i,  514,  vol.  ii,  254. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  61 

the  service  earlier  by  reason  of  the  vessels  to  which 
they  were  assigned  being  earlier  fitted  out.  This  was 
sometimes  difficult  to  arrange,  and  required  tact  on 
the  part  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.1  Between 
three  hundred  and  fifty  and  four  hundred  midship 
men  were  appointed,  and  among  them  were  several 
sons  of  officers  and  many  other  young  men  of  pro 
mise,  some  of  whom  became  famous  in  after  years. 
The  act  of  March  27  also  authorized  about  two  thou 
sand  warrant  officers,  petty  officers,  seamen,  and 
marines.  These  were  not  appointed  or  enlisted  until 
1798,  when  the  navy  was  put  upon  a  war  footing, 
and  then  of  course  many  more  were  needed.  The 
number  of  warrant  officers  taken  into  the  service 
before  1801  was  something  over  a  hundred  and 
twenty.  The  number  of  enlisted  men  was  not  fixed 
by  law,  but  probably  there  were  in  service  not  far 
from  six  thousand  petty  officers  and  seamen  when 
the  navy  was  at  its  maximum  strength.  Seamen  of 
a  good  class  were  easily  obtained,  and  were  enlisted 
as  a  rule  for  each  vessel  in  the  port  where  she  first 
went  into  commission  and  to  which  she  generally 
returned  to  ship  a  new  crew.2 

Captains  received  seventy-five  dollars  a  month 
and  six  rations  ;  lieutenants  forty  dollars  and  three 
rations.  In  1799  the  pay  of  captains  in  command 
of  the  larger  ships  was  increased  to  one  hundred 

1  Letters  to  President,  16,  Stoddert  to  Adams  (October,  17, 1798). 

2  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  350 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  54,  55, 99, 330, 
375-388 ;  Nav.  Inst.  September,  1906,  p.  1023. 


52    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

dollars,  with  eight  rations.  Masters  commandant 
were  given  sixty  dollars,  and  lieutenants  in  com 
mand  of  small  vessels  fifty  dollars  a  month,  with 
five  and  four  rations  respectively.  Midshipmen 
were  paid  something  less  than  twenty  dollars  a 
month,  with  one  ration.  Warrant  officers  got  twenty 
dollars  a  month,  with  two  rations,  and  enlisted  men 
from  nine  to  thirteen  dollars,  with  one  ration.  By 
commuting  their  rations  at  twenty  cents  each,  offi 
cers  materially  increased  their  financial  resources. 
The  usual  daily  ration,  prescribed  in  1794,  con 
sisted  of  a  pound  and  a  half  of  beef  or  a  pound  of 
pork  or  of  salt  fish,  a  pound  of  bread,  and  one  of 
rice,  peas,  or  potatoes,  with  cheese  or  butter,  and 
half  a  pint  of  spirits  or  a  quart  of  beer.1  For  their 
own  use  officers  were  allowed  to  take  provisions  on 
board  to  the  extent  of  "  half  a  ton  each  for  a  six 
months'  voyage."  The  captain  was  required  by 
regulations  to  "  take  care,  in  cutting  up  the  beef, 
that  choice  pieces  be  never  purposely  selected  for 
the  officers  from  that  which  is  cut  up  for  the  ship's 
company  " ;  and  "  that  the  officers  do  not  select  casks 
of  the  best  wine  or  spirits  for  their  own  use  from 
those  intended  for  the  ship's  company."  "  Captains 
may  shorten  the  daily  allowance  of  provisions  when 
necessity  shall  require  it,  taking  due  care  that  each 
man  has  credit  for  his  deficiency,  that  he  may  be 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  54,  55,  114,  339,  340;  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp. 
29,  30 ;  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  351,  524,  618  ;  Morris,  p.  17 ; 
Hollis,  p.  46.  See  Claims,  p.  424. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  63 

paid  for  the  same."  "  No  officer  is  to  have  whole 
allowance  while  the  company  is  at  short."  The  cook 
was  directed  to  "  see  the  meat  duly  watered  and  the 
provisions  carefully  and  cleanly  boiled  and  delivered 
to  the  men  agreeably  to  regulations."  Fishing  was 
to  be  engaged  in  when  opportunity  should  offer,  and 
the  fish  equitably  distributed  "  amongst  the  messes 
of  the  officers  and  seamen,  gratis,  without  any  de 
duction  of  their  allowance  of  provisions  on  that 
account."  1 

Marines  had  been  included  in  the  complement 
of  the  first  frigates,  under  the  act  of  March  27, 
1794,  and  they  had  been  enlisted  when  needed; 
but  the  marine  corps  as  a  distinct  body  did  not 
exist  until  it  was  established  and  organized  by  the 
act  of  July  11, 1798.  The  corps  was  to  be  an  "  ad 
dition  to  the  present  military  establishment,"  and 
over  and  above  their  sea  service  marines  "  shall  at 
any  time  be  liable  to  do  duty  in  the  forts  and  gar 
risons  of  the  United  States."  The  marine  corps  was 
increased  by  an  act  of  March  2,  1799,  and  after 
this  date  the  force  consisted  of  a  major  in  command, 
four  captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants,  and  over  a 
thousand  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 
In  the  following  year  the  rank  of  the  commandant 
was  raised  to  lieutenant-colonel.  The  pay  in  the  ma 
rine  corps  was  essentially  the  same,  rank  for  rank, 
as  in  the  navy.2  The  stations  of  marines  aboard  ship 

1  Nav.  Reg.  pp.  11,  15,  38,  44,  55. 

2  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  56;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  89, 114, 150;  Statutes 


54    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

were  prescribed  in  the  navy  regulations  as  follows: 
"  The  officers  of  marines  will  be  divided  among 
the  posts  assigned  to  the  musketry.  One  will  be 
destined  to  command  those  on  the  poop  or  quarter 
deck.  In  cases  where  the  Commander  shall  judge  it 
proper  to  employ  a  part  of  the  soldiers  or  marines 
in  the  batteries,  he  will  employ  with  them  a  part 
of  their  officers  and  attach  them  to  the  service  of 
a  certain  number  of  cannon,  under  the  order  of  the 
officers  who  command  the  said  batteries.  .  .  .  The 
marines  will  always  parade  on  the  poop  or  quarter 
deck  when  the  drum  beats  to  quarters,  at  the  same 
time  every  other  man  will  run  to  his  station." 1 

Under  an  act  approved  April  30,  1798,  the 
Navy  Department  was  established  and  thenceforth 
took  charge  of  all  naval  affairs,  which  had  hith 
erto  been  administered  by  the  War  Department.2 
George  Cabot  of  Massachusetts  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  but  declined  to  serve,  and 
Benjamin  Stoddert  of  Georgetown,  D.  C.,  was  ap 
pointed  May  21,  1798. 3  He  took  charge  of  the 
department  June  18.4  Stoddert  had  far-seeing  and 
statesmanlike  views  regarding  naval  expansion  and 
preparation,  and  if  his  recommendations  had  been 
adopted  the  country  might  have  been  saved  much 

at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  594,  729,  vol.  ii,  p.  39 ;  Letters  to  Congress, 
53. 

1  Nav.  Reg.  pp.  3,  4. 

2  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  33 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  86  ;  Statutes  at  Large, 
vol.  i,  p.  553. 

8  Pickering,  vol.  xxii,  154,  177.  *  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  i,  2. 


BENJAMIN    STODDERT 


^-      OF  THE         •      ^ 

UNIVERSITY   )) 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  55 

humiliation,  expense,  and  bloodshed  within  the  next 
twenty  years.1 

In  messages  to  Congress  President  "Washington, 
December  7,  1796,  and  President  Adams,  May  16 
and  November  23, 1797,  had  urged  the  importance 
of  national  defense  and  naval  preparation. 2  Con 
gress  responded  in  the  summer  of  1797  by  author 
izing  the  President  to  provide  for  fortifications,  to 
call  out  the  militia,  to  man  and  employ  the  new 
frigates,  and  to  increase  the  strength  of  the  reve 
nue  cutters.3  The  revenue  cutter  service  had  been 
established  in  1790,  and  seven  years  later  consisted 
of  about  fifteen  small  vessels,  mostly  brigs  and 
schooners.4  The  vigorous  defensive  measures  in  the 
spring  of  1798  began  with  an  act  of  March  27, 
providing  for  the  equipment  of  the  frigates  United 
States,  Constitution,  and  Constellation.  April  27 
the  President  was  empowered  "  to  cause  to  be  built, 
purchased,  or  hired  a  number  of  vessels,  not  ex 
ceeding  twelve,  nor  carrying  more  than  twenty-two 
guns  each."  By  the  act  of  May  4  he  was  "  to  cause 
a  number  of  small  vessels,  not  exceeding  ten,  to 
be  built  or  purchased  and  to  be  fitted  out  ...  as 
gallies,  or  otherwise  ";  and  by  that  of  June  22,  to 
increase  still  more  the  strength  of  the  revenue  cut 
ters.  Twelve  additional  vessels  were  authorized 

1  Nav.  Chron.  ch.  v ;  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  65. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  ii,  p.  108,  vol.  iii,  pp.  88,  339. 

3  Acts  of  June  23  and  24,  July  1, 1797,  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i, 
pp.  521,  522,  523. 

4  United  Service,  November,  December,  1889. 


56          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

June  30,  which  the  President  might  "accept  in 
behalf  of  ...  and  upon  the  credit  of  the  United 
States  ";  other  vessels  also  might  be  accepted  as  vol 
untary  gifts.  Of  the  twenty-four  vessels  provided 
for  by  this  act  and  that  of  April  27,  twelve  were 
to  carry  from  twenty  to  twenty-four  guns  each,  six 
not  less  than  thirty-two  guns,  and  six  not  more 
than  eighteen.  The  act  of  July  16  directed  the 
completion  of  the  three  1794  frigates  left  unfin 
ished  upon  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Algiers ; 
they  were  named  President,  Congress,  and  Chesa 
peake,  the  first  of  forty-four  guns  and  the  other 
two  of  thirty-six,  although  it  had  been  originally 
intended  to  give  the  Chesapeake  forty-four.  The 
Philadelphia,  36,  New  York,  36,  Essex,  32,  Bos 
ton,  28,  John  Adams,  28,  Merrimack,  24,  Mary 
land,  20,  Patapsco,  20,  and  Eichmond,  18,  were 
built  with  money  advanced  by  citizens  on  the  credit 
of  the  United  States,  under  the  act  of  June  30. 
Several  other  vessels  were  built,  or  purchased  and 
converted  into  vessels  of  war,  under  the  acts  of 
April  27  and  June  30.  The  more  important  of 
these  were  the  General  Greene,  28,  Adams,  28, 
and  the  Portsmouth,  Connecticut,  Trumbull,  Gan 
ges,  and  George  "Washington,  of  twenty-four  guns 
each.  The  two  last  were  merchantmen  purchased 
and  converted  to  warlike  use ;  all  the  others  were 
built  for  the  service.  There  were  nearly  twenty 
others  of  smaller  size.  February  25,  1799,  an  act 
was  passed  authorizing  six  ships  of  the  line,  of  not 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  67 

less  than  seventy-four  guns  each,  and  six  eighteen- 
gun  sloops  of  war;  but  unfortunately  these  pro 
visions  of  the  act  were  never  carried  out.  The 
same  act  placed  on  the  naval  establishment  such 
revenue  cutters  as  had  been  increased  in  force; 
there  were  eight  of  these  cutters.1 

As  a  rule  vessels  carried  more  guns  than  the  num 
ber  indicated  by  the  rate ;  forty-four  gun  frigates 
carried  fifty  or  more  guns.2  The  main  battery  of 
the  larger  frigates  consisted  of  twenty-four  pound 
guns ;  in  the  thirty-six  gun  ships  these  were  ex 
changed  later  for  eighteen  pounders.  The  lighter 
frigates  —  the  twenty-eights  and  thirty-twos  —  car 
ried  twelve  pounders ;  while  nine  pounders  were  the 
heaviest  guns  on  vessels  rating  from  eighteen  to 
twenty-four,  and  six  pounders  on  the  smaller  brigs 
and  schooners.  These  were  all  long  guns,  heavy  and 
strong,  and  able  to  endure  a  relatively  large  charge 
of  powder,  which  threw  a  shot  a  good  distance  with 
considerable  force.  The  twenty-four  pounders  were 
eight  feet  long  and  weighed  forty-five  hundred 
pounds.  Carronades  were  not  used  in  the  United 
States  navy  before  1799,  being  first  placed,  it  is 
said,  on  the  Constellation.  These  were  light,  short 
guns  of  large  calibre,  with  a  very  limited  range,  as 
only  a  light  charge  of  powder  could  be  used  in  them  ; 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  547,  552,  556,  569,  575,  608,  621 ; 
Nav.  Chron.  pp.  79-87,  90,  113 ;  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp.  57,  58,  65, 
68 ;  Emmons,  pp.  6-9 ;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  i,  54,  163. 

2  The  rates  here  given  are  taken  from  Emmons,  and  sometimes 
differ  from  those  of  other  authorities. 


68    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

but  as  they  threw  a  heavy  shot  they  were  very 
effective  within  their  range.  Officers  and  cannoneers 
were  directed  by  the  navy  regulations  "  to  pay  the 
greatest  attention  to  the  manner  in  which  they 
charge  their  pieces,  so  as  not  to  expose  them  to  be 
burst  by  too  great  loads  ;  they  will  watch,  in  conse 
quence,  that  there  be  put  in  at  the  same  time  but 
one  round  ball  and  one  chained  ball,  or  one  round 
ball  and  one  packet  of  case-shot,  or  two  round 
balls,  according  to  the  distance  at  which  the  enemy 
fight."  The  weight  of  shot  varied,  and  Cooper 
found  upon  investigation  that  French  shot  were 
considerably  heavier  than  American  shot  of  the  same 
denomination.  It  is  necessary  to  allow  for  this  if 
attempting  to  make  an  accurate  estimate  of  the  rel 
ative  force  of  different  ships.1 

To  supplement  the  activity  of  the  navy  in  the 
defense  of  the  country,  private  enterprise  was 
stimulated  by  issuing  letters  of  marque.  The  act  of 
June  25,  1798,  provided  that  merchant  vessels, 
while  acting  purely  on  the  defensive,  might  "  repel 
by  force  any  assault "  committed  upon  them  by 
French  cruisers  or  privateers,  capture  the  aggres 
sors,  and  recapture  American  vessels  which  had 
been  taken  by  the  French.  Such  licensed  vessels 
were  to  act  under  instructions  of  the  President, 
which  they  were  to  receive  from  the  collectors  of 
ports.  The  act  of  July  9  authorized  the  President 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp.  6,  35,  53-56;  Nav.  Eeg.  p.  26;  Cooper, 
vol.  i,  pp.  344,  366.  App.  B. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  59 

"to  grant  to  the  owners  of  private  armed  ships 
.  .  .  special  commissions ;  .  .  .  and  such  private 
armed  vessels,  when  duly  commissioned,  shall  have 
the  same  license  and  authority  for  the  subduing, 
seizing,  and  capturing  any  French  armed  vessels 
...  as  the  public  armed  vessels  may  by  law  have."  1 
Under  this  law  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  private 
armed  vessels  were  commissioned  before  March  1, 
1799,  of  which  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  be 
longed  in  New  England,  mostly  in  Massachusetts, 
and  over  sixty  in  each  of  the  states  of  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  nearly  all  the  rest 
coming  from  the  South.  Most  of  these  vessels  were 
merchantmen,  armed  merely  for  defense,  and  car 
ried  only  a  small  force  of  men  and  guns.  Their 
commissions  gave  them  an  authority  which  they 
might  use  on  occasion,  but  they  seldom  fell  in  with 
vessels  of  equal  or  inferior  force.  The  Americans 
probably  had  no  real  privateers  in  this  war,  be 
cause  their  legitimate  occupation  of  preying  upon 
the  enemy's  commerce  was  denied  them,  inasmuch 
as,  under  the  acts  of  Congress,  armed  vessels  only 
might  be  attacked ;  and  also  because  the  commerce 
of  France  had  been  nearly  swept  from  the  sea  by 
the  British.2 

The  act  of  July  1,  1797,  prescribed  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  navy  the  regulations  established  in 

1  For  a  facsimile  of  one  of  these   commissions,  see  Maclay's 
American  Privateers,  p.  218. 

2  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  572, 578 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  88 ;  Nao. 
Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  71.    See  Ct.  Claims  Rep.  vol.  xxii,  pp.  427-440. 


60    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

1775,  which  had  been  drafted  by  the  naval  com 
mittee  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  were  chiefly 
the  work  of  John  Adams,  based  on  British  regula 
tions.  Not  long  afterwards,  while  the  navy  was  still 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  War  Department,  a 
more  elaborate  set  of  regulations  was  compiled.  An 
act  passed  March  2,  1799,  comprises  rules  and 
regulations  to  "be  adopted  and  put  in  force  for 
the  government  of  the  navy."  The  repeal  of  this 
act  was  provided  for  in  that  of  April  23,  1800, 
which  laid  down  a  similar  set  of  rules  "  for  the 
better  government  of  the  navy." l 

In  addition  to  naval  legislation,  many  acts  were 
passed  which  had  for  their  general  purpose  the 
strengthening  of  the  country's  defensive  position. 
First  in  importance  was  the  increase  of  the  army. 
Three  major-generals  were  appointed :  Alexander 
Hamilton,  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  and  Henry  Knox. 
An  unfortunate  dispute  arose  as  to  their  relative 
rank.  General  Washington  wished  them  to  stand  in 
the  order  named.  This  would  give  seniority  to  Ham 
ilton,  in  whose  ability  Washington  placed  especial 
confidence.  President  Adams  proposed  for  them 
the  same  relative  rank  they  had  held  in  the  Ke volu 
tion,  which  would  have  reversed  the  order,  making 
Knox  senior,  but  he  yielded  in  deference  to  Wash 
ington's  wishes.  Recruiting  began,  but  progressed 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  525,  709,  vol.  ii,  p.  45 ;  Clark's 
Naval  History  of  the  United  States  (1814),  vol.  ii,  p.  108;  Nav 
Reg.  pp.  3,  53;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  114,  150;  Nav.  Inst.  September, 
1905,  p.  628. 


NAVAL  PREPARATION  61 

slowly.  The  army  was  not  needed,  for  the  fighting 
took  place  wholly  upon  the  sea.1  Other  measures 
provided  for  calling  out  and  equipping  the  militia, 
building  coast  defenses,  and  borrowing  the  money 
necessary  for  carrying  out  all  these  enterprises.2 

Commercial  intercourse  with  France  and  her  de 
pendencies  was  suspended.3  War  was  not  declared, 
but  the  capture  of  French  armed  vessels,  the  re 
capture  of  American  vessels,  the  condemnation  of 
French  vessels  and  property  taken,  and  retaliation 
under  certain  circumstances  were  authorized  by 
Congress.4 

The  naval  force  of  the  United  States,  employed 
in  the  hostilities  with  France  between  1798  and 
1801,  acquired  under  the  provisions  of  the  various 
acts  of  Congress  just  considered  and  otherwise, 
consisted  of  forty-five  vessels.  Of  these  twenty-one 
were  built  for  the  service,  eleven  were  purchased, 
five  captured  during  the  war,  and  eight  transferred 
from  the  Treasury  Department.  There  were  about 
as  many  other  revenue  cutters  not  transferred  to 
the  navy,  but  presumably  held  ready  to  be  employed 

1  Washington,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  29,  34,  40-46,  58-67,  92-107,  110- 
119;  Adams,  vol.  viii,  pp.  573-580,  587-590,  593,  600-604. 

2  Statutes  at  Large  vol.  i,  pp.  521,  522,  552,  554,  555,  558,  569, 
576,  604,  607,  725,  749. 

8  Acts  of  June  13,  July  16,  1798,  February  9,  1799,  February 
27,  1800,  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  565,  611,  613,  vol.  ii,  p.  7 ; 
Nav.  Chron.  pp.  134,  148. 

4  Acts  of  May  28,  June  25  and  28,  July  9,  1798,  March  3,  1799, 
Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  561,  572,  574,  578,  743 ;  Nav.  Chron. 
pp.  86,  88. 


62    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

in  harbor  defense  if  called  upon.  Nine  galleys, 
built  for  the  navy,  were  also  ready  for  this  kind  of 
service.  Of  these  various  vessels  three  were  rated 
as  forty-four  gun,  and  six  as  thirty-six  gun  frigates  ; 
one  carried  thirty-two  and  four  carried  twenty-eight 
guns  each ;  there  were  six  of  twenty-four  guns,  six 
of  twenty,  and  four  of  eighteen  guns.  The  others 
were  all  small  vessels.1  The  navy  was  manned  by 
about  seven  hundred  officers  and  five  or  six  thou 
sand  men.  This  force  was  supplemented  by  about 
eleven  hundred  officers  and  men  of  the  marine 
corps. 

1  See  Appendix  IV. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   OPENING   OF   HOSTILITIES 

THE  first  vessel  of  the  navy  to  get  to  sea  in  the 
spring  of  1798  was  the  ship  Ganges,  24,  which 
sailed  from  Philadelphia  May  24.  "  This  day  at 
11  o'clock  the  Secretary  of  War,  accompanied  by 
Captain  Barry,  commander  of  the  frigate  United 
States,  and  Captain  Dale,  commander  of  the  ship 
of  war  Ganges,  went  on  board  the  latter  ship,  and 
delivered  his  orders  to  Captain  Dale.  On  the  sec 
retary's  leaving  the  ship,  a  salute  was  fired ;  imme 
diately  after  which  she  weighed  anchor,  to  proceed 
to  her  cruising  station."  *  The  Ganges  was  one  of 
the  vessels  acquired  by  purchase ;  she  had  been  an 
Indiaman,  and  Dale  had  been  her  commander  in 
the  merchant  service.  The  orders  he  now  received 
from  the  Secretary  of  War  were  limited,  inasmuch 
as  Congress  had  not  yet  authorized  captures.  He 
was  directed  to  cruise  between  Long  Island  and  the 
Virginia  capes  for  the  protection  of  waters  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States.  As  soon  as 
the  act  of  May  28  was  passed  a  pilot  boat  was  dis 
patched  to  him,  with  the  President's  instructions 
of  the  same  date.  Under  this  first  general  order  to 
commanders  of  the  new  navy  Dale  was  "  directed 

1  Gazette  of  United  States,  May  24,  1798. 


64     OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

to  seize,  take,  and  bring  into  any  port  of  the  United 
States  "  any  French  armed  vessel  "  which  shall  have 
committed,  or  which  shall  be  found  hovering  on  the 
coast  of  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  com 
mitting,  depredations  on  the  vessels  belonging  to 
the  citizens  thereof  "  ;  and  also  to  retake  American 
vessels  in  the  hands  of  the  French.  This  cruise  of 
the  Ganges,  which  lasted  several  months,  seems  to 
have  been  uneventful.1  About  this  time  the  ques 
tion  arose  as  to  the  relative  rank  of  the  captains 
first  appointed,  and  pending  the  decision  Dale  ob 
tained  a  furlough  and  in  1799  sailed  for  China  in 
a  letter  of  marque.  He  therefore  took  no  further 
part  in  the  war.2 

In  June  the  frigate  Constellation,  Captain  Thomas 
Truxtun,  and  the  Delaware,  20,  Captain  Stephen 
Decatur,  were  ordered  to  sea  under  the  instruc 
tions  of  May  28.  They  were  to  cruise  along  the 
southern  Atlantic  coast.  The  Delaware  was  a 
small  ship  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons,  which 
had  been  purchased  for  the  navy.  Her  commander 
had  been  a  privateersman  in  the  Revolution,  and 
was  the  father  of  the  afterwards  famous  Decatur, 
who  was  at  this  time  a  midshipman  in  the  service. 
The  Delaware  sailed  July  6,  and  the  next  morn 
ing  learned  from  an  American  vessel  that  a  French 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  90-92  ;  Naval  Correspondence  in  War  De-, 
partment,  304  ;  Bulletin  of  'New  York  Public  Library,  September, 
1907,  Stoddert  to  Dale  (July  13,  1798). 

2  Cooper's  American  Naval  Officers,  vol.  ii,  p.  259 ;  see  above, 
p.  49. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  65 

privateer  w#s  cruising  off  shore.  Not  long  after, 
four  schooners  were  sighted,  and  Captain  Decatur 
stood  off  as  if  he  were  a  merchantman  anxious  to 
avoid  them.  One  of  them  gave  chase,  but  when 
near  enough  to  discover  the  warlike  character  of 
the  Delaware,  attempted  to  escape.  It  was  now 
Decatur 's  turn  to  pursue,  and  after  a  "  pretty  long 
chase  "  off  the  New  Jersey  shore  he  overhauled 
the  fugitive  in  the  evening,  "  close  in  with  Egg 
Harbor."  Several  shot  were  fired  at  her  before  she 
surrendered.  She  proved  to  be  the  French  priva 
teer  schooner  Croyable,  of  twelve  guns,  from  Cape 
Francois,  having  left  that  port  June  19.  Her  cap 
tain's  story  was  that  he  fled  from  the  Delaware, 
supposing  her  to  be  British,  and  sought  safety  in 
Delaware  Bay,  being  ignorant  of  a  state  of  war 
between  the  United  States  and  France.  The  prize 
was  brought  up  the  bay  and  her  crew,  fifty-three 
in  number,  were  landed  at  Fort  Mifflin.  The  Croy 
able  had  taken  several  American  vessels.  She  was 
the  first  prize  of  the  new  navy,  and  was  condemned 
and  taken  into  the  service,  her  name  being  changed 
to  Retaliation.1 

The  Constellation  appears  to  have  met  with  no 
success  in  her  first  cruise,  and  made  a  second  in 
August  in  company  with  the  Baltimore,  20,  Captain 
Isaac  Phillips,  under  orders  to  proceed  to  Havana  for 

1  Nav.  Chron.p.  92;  Columbian  Centiml,  July  14, 1798 ;  Boston 
Commercial  Gazette,  August  2, 1798,  with  testimony  taken  in  the 
prize  court ;  Letters  to  Secretary  of  War,  1,  2  (July  9  and  10, 
1798) ;  Pickering,  vol.  ix,  19,  36. 


66    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  protection  of  a  fleet  of  sixty  American  merchant 
men  closely  watched  by  French  cruisers.  These 
vessels  were  safely  convoyed  to  their  home  ports.1 

The  frigate  United  States,  Captain  Barry,  sailed 
early  in  July  under  orders  dated  the  3d,  to  cruise 
between  Cape  Henry  and  Nantucket.  Charles 
Stewart,  the  famous  commodore  of  later  years,  was 
one  of  the  ship's  lieutenants,  and  among  the  mid 
shipmen  were  Eichard  Somers  and  Stephen  Deca- 
tur,  Jr.  Captain  Barry  was  at  first  limited  to  the 
instructions  of  May  28,  but  those  of  July  10,  car 
rying  out  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  preceding  day, 
reached  him  some  time  after  sailing.  This  second 
general  naval  order  came  to  him  inclosed  with  a 
long  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  dated 
July  11,  giving  minute  directions  as  to  his  future 
movements.  The  act  of  July  9,  authorizing  the 
seizure  of  French  armed  vessels  "  within  the  juris- 
dictional  limits  of  the  United  States  or  elsewhere 
on  the  high  seas,"  made  more  extended  operations 
possible,  and  the  administration  decided  to  send 
squadrons  to  the  West  Indies,  where  was  the  prin 
cipal  scene  of  naval  activity  and  of  the  spoliation 
of  American  commerce.  Barry  was  ordered  to  sail 
for  a  cruise  among  the  Lesser  Antilles  in  company 
with  the  Delaware,  Captain  Decatur,  the  Herald, 
18,  Captain  Sever,  and  the  revenue  cutter  Picker 
ing,  14,  Captain  Chapman ;  he  was  also  to  request 
of  the  governor  of  Porto  Eico  the  release  of  certain 
1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  93 ;  Phillips,  pp.  33,  34, 48,  49 ;  Barry,  p.  358. 


JOHN    BARRY 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  67 

Americans  held  there,  who  had  been  captured  by 
French  cruisers.  The  United  States  and  Delaware 
sailed  for  Boston,  where  they  were  to  be  joined  by 
the  Herald  and  Pickering.  On  the  way  to  Cape  Cod 
they  fell  in  with  a  large  ship,  and  the  United  States, 
signaling  the  Delaware  to  stand  off,  approached 
her.  Both  ships  showed  French  colors  and  nearly 
came  to  blows  before  discovering  each  other's  iden 
tity.  The  stranger  proved  to  be  a  British  fifty-gun 
ship.  After  that  a  system  of  private  signals  was 
established  by  which  American  and  British  vessels 
might  recognize  each  other  and  avoid  hostile  col 
lision.  Barry  then  proceeded  to  Boston,  and  find 
ing  that  the  Herald  and  Pickering  were  not  ready 
he  set  sail  for  the  West  Indies  July  26,  with  the 
United  States  and  Delaware.1 

Although  the  hurricane  season  was  approaching, 
Secretary  Stoddert  believed  it  important,  even  at 
some  risk,  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  French  in  the 
West  Indies  before  their  strength  in  those  waters 
should  be  reinforced.  In  a  letter  to  the  President, 
written  July  30,  1798,  he  says:  "The  hurricanes, 
I  understand,  are  not  so  very  dangerous  as  they 
are  generally  believed  to  be.  It  is  not  oftener  than 
once  in  four  or  five  years  that  much  injury  is  done 
by  them,  and  at  such  times  the  danger  is  partial 
and  extends  not  beyond  one  or  two  Islands.  Under 
such  circumstances  and  impressed  with  the  opinion 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  88,  91,  92,  93;  Barry,  pp.  349-356;  Massa 
chusetts  Mercury,  July  24,  1798. 


68    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

that  the  American  Navy  should  be  taught  to  disre 
gard  problematic  dangers  and  that  our  force  should 
be  employed  while  the  French  have  but  little  force, 
in  destroying  what  little  they  have  and  in  produ 
cing  a  scarcity  of  provisions  and  the  consequent 
discontent  flowing  from  such  a  source,  in  their 
Islands,  I  have  the  honor,  sir,  to  submit  for  your 
cousideration  "  an  arrangement  for  sending  succes 
sive  expeditions  to  the  West  Indies,  while  at  the 
same  time  maintaining  the  patrol  of  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  the  United  States  with  an  adequate  force. 
New  England  would  be  guarded  by  the  Herald 
and  Pickering,  the  middle  section  by  the  Baltimore 
and  two  revenue  cutters,  and  the  southern  coast 
by  a  frigate  and  two  cutters.  Meanwhile  another 
frigate  with  the  Montezuma,  20,  would  sail  for  the 
West  Indies  and  relieve  Barry,  who  would  return 
home  with  the  United  States  and  Delaware ;  later 
the  frigate  on  the  southern  coast  would  be  sent  to 
the  West  Indies  with  the  Ganges.  The  general 
plan  here  proposed  was  carried  out,  though  with 
changes  of  detail.  The  Constellation  and  Baltimore 
went  to  Havana  soon  after  this,  as  has  been  seen, 
and  later  the  Montezuma,  with  two  smaller  vessels, 
was  sent  to  cruise  among  the  Windward  Islands. 
In  his  letter  the  secretary  adds :  "  By  keeping  up 
incessant  attacks  on  the  French  cruisers  on  their 
own  ground  they  will,  in  a  degree  at  least,  be  pre 
vented  from  coming  on  ours."  1 

1  Barry,  pp.  356-358. 


THE  OPENING  OF   HOSTILITIES  69 

Commodore  Barry  returned  to  Delaware  Bay 
with  his  little  squadron  after  a  cruise  of  nearly  two 
months,  arriving  at  New  Castle  September  20. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  complained  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  this  early  return,  attributing  it  to  fear  of 
hurricanes.  Yet  in  his  instructions  to  Barry  he  had 
mentioned  two  months  as  the  proper  length  of  the 
cruise.  The  results  of  the  expedition  were  disap 
pointing  to  the  naval  commanders  as  well  as  to  the 
secretary,  for  little  had  been  accomplished  but  the 
capture  of  two  small  French  privateers,  the  Sans 
Pareil  and  Jaloux.  In  the  fall  the  United  States 
patrolled  the  coast  for  a  month,  to  the  eastward, 
and  the  Delaware  to  the  southward.  The  frigate 
sprung  her  bowsprit  and  was  otherwise  disabled  in 
a  severe  gale,  during  which  Lieutenant  James  Bar- 
ron  saved  her  masts,  and  possibly  the  ship  too,  by 
setting  up  the  rigging,  which  had  become  danger 
ously  slack,  under  great  difficulties.  The  United 
States  was  now  obliged  to  cut  short  her  cruise  and 
return  to  Delaware  Bay,  arriving  at  Chester  No 
vember  9.  The  damage  having  been  repaired,  Barry 
received  orders,  dated  December  7,  to  proceed  with 
the  United  States  to  the  West  Indies  and  take 
command  of  a  squadron  to  be  employed  there  dur 
ing  the  winter.1 

On  July  2, 1798,  "precisely  at  10  minutes  before 
one  o'clock,  the  frigate  Constitution,  Captain  Nich-  L 
olson,  came  to  sail  from  her  moorings  off  the  Long 

i  Barry,  pp.  358,  359,  361-364,  366-372  ;  Decatur,  pp.  26-29. 


70  OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Wharf.  The  wind  was  about  West,  a  moderate 
breeze.  She  proceeded  half  the  way  to  the  Castle 
under  her  three  topsails  and  fore-topmast  stay-sail ; 
after  which  the  top  gallant  sails  were  set.  She  passed 
the  Fort  at  10  minutes  after  one,  having  run  three 
miles  against  a  strong  tide ;  and  a  few  moments  sub 
sequent  came  to  anchor  in  King  Eoad,  just  below 
Spectacle  Island.  In  getting  under  way,  a  Federal 
Salute  was  given  to  the  town;  and  on  passing  the 
Castle  that  fortress  received  and  returned  a  salute. 
The  beauty  of  her  appearance  on  the  water  and  the 
rapidity  of  her  sailing  is  the  subject  of  admiration 
and  conversation  by  both  foreigners  and  native  citi 
zens  who  are  connoisseurs  in  naval  excellence."1 
The  frigate  got  to  sea  Sunday,  July  22.  "She  has 
on  board  388  young,  well-built,  healthy  Americans. 
.  .  .  Captain  Nicholson  merits  great  applause  for 
his  unwearied  assiduity  and  unremitted  endeavors 
to  render  her  the  pride  of  the  American  navy — and 
a  pattern  of  the  glorious  palladium,  whose  name  she 
bears."2  Isaac  Hull,  under  whose  command  she 
afterwards  won  the  first  of  her  famous  victories 
in  the  War  of  1812,  was  at  this  time  one  of  her  lieu 
tenants. 

After  a  month  at  sea  the  Constitution  put  into 
Newport  August  21,  where  Captain  Nicholson  found 
the  secretary's  orders  of  the  13th  directing  him  to 
cruise  along  the  coast  south  of  Cape  Henry  in  com- 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  July  3,  1798. 

2  Columbian  Centind,  July  25,  1798. 


SAMUEL    NICHOLSON 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  71 

pany  with  four  revenue  cutters.1  September  8  the 
frigate  fell  in  with  a  twenty-four  gun  ship  under 
English  colors  and  boarded  her.  Her  officers  were 
French,  but  professed  to  be  royalists ;  her  crew  was 
very  mixed,  with  many  French  and  Spanish,  and 
her  papers  were  unsatisfactory.  Nicholson  therefore 
concluded  that  she  was  French,  and  brought  her  into 
Norfolk  as  a  prize.  She  turned  out,  however,  to  be 
an  English  privateer  called  the  Niger,  and  the  gov 
ernment  was  obliged  to  give  her  up  and  pay  damages 
estimated  at  eleven  thousand  dollars.2  From  Norfolk 
the  Constitution  returned  to  her  cruising  ground. 
There  she  found  the  Baltimore  which,  after  her  con 
voy  duty  in  company  with  the  Constellation,  had  been 
ordered  by  Captain  Truxtun  to  cruise  off  Charles 
ton.  Captain  Nicholson  now  ordered  the  Baltimore 
to  join  him  in  convoying  a  fleet  to  Havana.  Soon 
afterwards  the  Constitution,  owing  to  an  accident, 
bore  away  for  Boston  for  repairs,  leaving  the  Bal 
timore  alone  with  the  convoy.3  November  10  the 
Constitution  "arrived  in  President's  Road,  in  the 
outer  harbor;  she  having  sprung  her  bowsprit  near 
the  Gulph  of  Florida,  when  convoying  (at  the  re 
quest  of  the  Naval  Agent  and  merchants  of  the  city 
of  Charleston)  a  fleet  of  ten  sail  of  merchantmen, 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  93 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  August  11,  September 
1, 1798. 

2  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  i,  270 ;  Pickering,  vol.  ix,  386,  401,  vol.  xi,  477, 
vol.  xxxvii,  342, 343, 345,  347,  359 ;  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  September 
27,  1798 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  September  28,  November  20,  1798. 

3  Phillips,  pp.  49,  111,  112. 


72    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

for  the  Havannah.  Since  the  Constitution  left  this 
port  she  has  completely  scoured  the  coast.  Captain 
Nicholson's  first  orders  were  to  cruise  from  George's 
Bank  to  Sandy  Hook;  his  second,  from  Sandy  Hook 
to  the  Capes  of  Virginia;  and  his  third,  from  the 
Capes  of  Virginia  to  St.  Mary's  River,  to  protect 
the  American  commerce  and  to  capture  all  French 
cruisers.  The  ship  sails  remarkably  fast;  the  crew 
perfectly  happy ;  the  commander  held  in  high  esti 
mation,  and  she  has  not  a  sick  man  on  board."  l  The 
frigate  was  ready  for  sea  in  December,  and  was 
ordered  to  join  Commodore  Barry's  squadron  in  the 
West  Indies.  She  sailed  early  in  January.2 

In  September,  1798,  the  ship  Montezuma,  20,  a 
converted  merchantman,  was  ordered  to  the  West 
Indies  under  the  command  of  Captain  Alexander 
Murray,  who  had  been  a  lieutenant  in  the  Revolu 
tionary  navy.  With  her  went  the  brig  Norfolk,  18, 
a  vessel  built  for  the  service  and  commanded  by 
Captain  Thomas  Williams,  and  the  prize  schooner 
Retaliation,  14,  Lieutenant  William  Bainbridge. 
This  little  squadron  sailed  from  Norfolk,  October 
25,  under  instructions  to  cruise  about  Guadeloupe, 
St.  Martin,  and  Porto  Rico  for  the  protection  of 
commerce.  They  fell  in  with  a  number  of  British 
frigates  and  recaptured  an  American  brig  from  the 
French.  Before  dawn,  November  20,  off  Guade- 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  November  14,  1798 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  No 
vember  13,  1798. 

2  Nav.  Chron.p.  94;  Columbian  Centinel,  December  12,1798, 
January  5,  1799. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  73 

loupe,  two  sail  were  sighted  in  the  west,  and  Cap 
tain  Murray  had  begun  to  give  chase  when  three 
vessels  were  seen  to  the  eastward.  "As  daylight 
appeared  we  found  we  were  meeting  two  large  frig 
ates  and  a  three  masted  lugger ;  the  Retaliation  and 
the  prize  a  little  ahead  of  them  were  standing  for 
us.  We  bore  up  for  the  Retaliation  and  hailed  her, 
and  was  informed  by  Captain  Bainbridge  that  they 
were  the  English  frigates  we  had  seen  the  day  be 
fore.  Fortunately  we  saw  at  that  instant  the  two 
sail  we  had  chased  a  little  before  to  leeward,  and 
we  put  about  to  pursue  them ;  the  frigates  standing 
after  us  and  nearly  within  gunshot.  We  crowded  a 
press  of  sail  after  the  chase,  and  not  knowing  what 
to  make  of  the  frigates  we  hoisted  private  signals, 
which  were  not  noticed ;  we  then  hoisted  the  Amer 
ican  flag  —  still  saw  no  colors  —  but  crowding  sail 
after  us,  and  we  presumed  chasing  the  same  vessels 
which  we  were.  The  Retaliation  then  dropped  un 
suspicious  with  her  prize  (or  rather  could  not  avoid 
them)  close  under  their  guns,  when  the  headmost 
frigate  fired  into  her,  and  we  saw  her  haul  down 
her  pendant  while  the  prize  was  suffered  to  keep 
up  her  ensign."  1 

When  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk  had  departed 
in  pursuit  of  the  two  sail  in  the  west,  Bainbridge, 
left  alone,  had  made  the  signals  agreed  upon  by 
American  and  English  commanders,  by  which 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  93,94, 127;  Columbian  Centinel,  November 
10,  1798 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  January  29,  1799,  Murray  to  Secretary 
of  Navy  (November  23,  1798). 


74    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

they  were  to  recognize  each  other.  Although  the 
strangers  to  the  eastward  were  unable  to  answer 
his  signals,  he  still  believed  them  to  be  English 
men.  He  did  not  discover  his  mistake  until  two  of 
the  ships,  which  proved  to  be  French  frigates,  had 
approached  so  near  that  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  escape.  One  of  them,  the  Insurgente,  36,  hoisted 
French  colors  and  fired  into  the  Retaliation,  while 
the  other,  the  flagship  Volontaire,  44,  ordered  Bain- 
bridge  on  board.  He  had  no  alternative,  and  ac 
cordingly  struck  his  colors,  went  on  board  the 
Volontaire,  and  surrendered  to  Commodore  St. 
Laurent,  the  ranking  French  officer.  Meanwhile 
the  Insurgente  had  immediately  sailed  in  pursuit 
of  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk.  The  chase  was 
watched  with  interest  from  the  deck  of  the  Volon 
taire,  and  Commodore  St.  Laurent  inquired  of  Bain- 
bridge  the  force  of  the  American  vessels.  Without 
hesitation,  Bainbridge  greatly  overstated  the  number 
and  weight  of  their  guns,  which  induced  the  Com 
modore  to  hoist  a  signal  for  the  recall  of  the  In 
surgente.  The  chase  was  thereupon  abandoned,  to 
the  great  vexation  and  disappointment  of  Captain 
Barreaut  of  the  Insurgente.  In  the  discussion  and 
explanation  which  followed,  the  deception  practiced 
by  Bainbridge  was  exposed,  but  in  spite  of  his 
chagrin  the  commodore  appeared  to  regard  it  as  a 
justifiable  ruse.  It  was  too  late  to  renew  the  chase, 
and  the  American  vessels  escaped.1 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  127-130 ;  Bainbridge,  pp.  25-27. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  75 

The  frigates  had  just  arrived  in  West  Indian 
waters  from  France,  by  way  of  Cayenne,  bound  for 
Guadeloupe.  On  the  Volontaire  was  General  Des- 
fourneaux,  who  had  come  out  to  relieve  Victor 
Hugues  as  governor ;  Hugues  was  soon  after  sent 
back  to  France  under  arrest.  The  Volontaire  and 
Insurgente  proceeded  on  their  way  to  Guadeloupe, 
taking  the  Retaliation  and  the  prize  brig  with 
them,  and  anchored  off  Basse  Terre  the  next  day. 
The  American  officers  were  retained  on  the  French 
frigates,  while  the  crew  of  the  Eetaliation  were  sent 
ashore  to  a  prison  where  many  American  seamen 
were  confined  in  a  deplorable  condition  through  ill 
treatment  and  starvation.  Bainbridge  was  allowed 
to  go  ashore  on  parole,  and  with  some  difficulty 
and  delay  succeeded  in  procuring  from  General 
Desfourneaux  an  order  for  better  treatment  of  the 
prisoners,  which,  however,  effected  only  partial  re 
lief.  Desfourneaux  attempted  to  involve  Bainbridge 
in  a  scheme  for  the  neutralization  of  Guadeloupe,  but 
he  had  no  authority  to  treat  on  the  subject  and  no 
disposition  to  accede  to  the  conditions  proposed  by 
the  governor.  Bainbridge  and  all  the  other  Ameri 
can  prisoners,  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  in 
number,  were  subsequently  released  and  sent  back 
to  the  United  States.1 

Meanwhile  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk,  having 
escaped  from  the  French  frigates,  continued  their 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  128-130;  Bainbridge,  pp.  27-35 ;  Gazette  of 
United  States,  February  20,  1799. 


76    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

chase  of  the  vessels  they  had  sighted  in  the  morn 
ing,  and  at  length  overhauled  and  captured  the 
sternmost  of  them.  She  proved  to  be  an  American 
schooner  which  had  been  taken  by  the  French. 
They  then  made  for  Antigua,  and  had  been  there 
but  a  short  time  when  the  prize  brig  that  had  been 
left  with  the  Retaliation  arrived.  Her  crew  had 
not  been  landed  with  the  other  American  prisoners 
at  Guadeloupe,  and  had  recaptured  the  vessel  and 
escaped  with  her.  November  29  the  little  squadron 
was  at  St.  Thomas,  where  Murray  landed  eighteen 
prisoners,  taking  a  receipt  for  them  from  the  French 
consul,  and  collected  a  convoy  of  merchantmen. 
He  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  it 
was  his  intention  to  conduct  them  far  enough  on 
their  homeward  voyage  to  be  clear  of  the  French, 
and  then  to  run  to  windward,  which  he  considered 
the  best  cruising  station.  He  also  reported  that 
there  were  a  hundred  and  fifty  French  privateers 
from  Guadeloupe  in  adjacent  waters,  mostly  small 
brigs  and  schooners.  It  was  very  difficult  to  catch 
them  because  of  the  ease  with  which  they  could 
escape  into  shallow  water,  but  by  vigilant  cruising 
in  the  neighborhood  they  could  be  kept  inshore  and 
thereby  rendered  comparatively  harmless.1 

November  16,  off  Havana,  the  Baltimore,  Cap 
tain  Phillips,  experienced  one  of  those  flagrant  in 
stances  of  British  arrogance  which  the  little  Ameri 
can  navy  of  those  days  was  called  upon,  from  time 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  January  29,  1799. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  77 

to  time,  to  endure.  The  mortifying  features  of  such 
incidents  were  generally  due  in  great  measure  to 
the  lack  of  spirit  of  the  particular  American  com 
mander  implicated.  The  most  famous  case  is  that 
of  the  Chesapeake  in  1807,  fired  upon  by  the  Brit 
ish  ship  Leopard  and  unprepared  to  resist.  Other 
instances,  in  which  Americans  defied  the  assumed 
authority  of  Englishmen  backed  by  superior  force, 
are  less  well  known,  but  they  should  not  be  for 
gotten.1 

Upon  the  departure  of  the  Constitution  for  Bos 
ton,  after  having  sprung  her  bowsprit,  the  Balti 
more,  left  alone  with  the  convoy  from  Charleston, 
proceeded  on  the  voyage  to  Havana.2  They  had 
nearly  reached  that  port,  early  in  the  morning  of 
November  16,  when  a  British  squadron  of  three 
ships  of  the  line  and  two  frigates  hove  in  sight. 
Captain  Phillips,  fearing  possible  detention  and 
delay,  signaled  his  convoy  to  make  all  sail  in  order 
to  get  into  Havana  as  soon  as  practicable.  All  the 
vessels  except  three  made  the  port  without  molesta 
tion  ;  these  three  were  detained,  but  afterwards  re 
leased.  Meanwhile  the  Baltimore  had  approached 
the  British  flagship,  in  order,  as  Captain  Phillips 
says,  to  divert  her  attention  from  the  fleet  under 
his  charge.  On  the  invitation  of  the  English  com 
modore,  Phillips  went  on  board  the  flagship.  The 

1  For  cases  of  Americans  resisting  British  arrogance,  see  Por 
ter,  pp.  10,  67 ;  Bainbridge,  pp.  21,  22  ;  Perry,  vol.  i,  pp.  46,  87- 
89  ;  Morris,  pp.  38,  44;  Hollis,  pp.  127-130. 

2  See  above,  p.  71. 


78          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

commodore  informed  him  that  he  intended  to  im 
press  such  of  the  Baltimore's  crew  as  could  not 
produce  American  protections,  that  is,  papers  prov 
ing  citizenship.  Phillips,  after  protesting  against 
such  action,  returned  to  his  ship,  where  he  found  a 
British  officer  had  arrived  during  his  absence,  had 
mustered  the  crew,  and  had  the  Baltimore's  muster 
roll  in  his  hand,  having  been  allowed  to  do  this  by 
the  first  lieutenant.  Phillips  took  the  muster  roll 
from  the  officer  and  ordered  his  crew  to  quarters, 
requesting  time  to  consider  what  he  should  do  ;  but 
finally  allowed  the  English  officer  to  take  away 
fifty-five  of  his  crew,  at  the  same  time  hauling  down 
his  flag.  This  action  he  defended  on  the  ground 
that  his  instructions  were  explicit,  that  "  the  vessels 
of  every  other  nation  [except  France]  are  on  no 
account  to  be  molested";  but  it  is  clear  that  this 
was  not  intended  to  restrain  a  national  vessel  from 
resenting  an  insult  to  the  flag.  The  case  was  com 
plicated  by  the  fact  that  Phillips's  commission  had 
never  been  delivered  to  him,  which  gave  him  an 
anomalous  standing.  Owing  to  the  haste  and  con 
fusion  in  the  Navy  Department  at  that  time,  this 
important  document  had  been  mislaid  or  missent ; 
but  he  had  with  him  letters  and  orders  from  the 
department  which  should  have  been  sufficient  to 
establish  the  character  of  his  ship  and  his  own  posi 
tion.  Nevertheless  this  irregularity  disturbed  his 
peace  of  mind,  and  for  this  reason  he  had  emphat 
ically  protested  against  being  separated  from  a 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  79 

superior  officer,  when  successively  left  alone  by 
Truxtun  and  Nicholson.1 

The  British  commodore  paid  no  attention  to  Cap 
tain  Phillips's  surrender,  and  a  little  later  sent 
back  fifty  of  the  men,  apparently  fearing  his  own 
government's  disapproval  of  such  wholesale  impress 
ment.  He  then  proposed  to  exchange  certain  Ameri 
cans  in  his  squadron,  presumably  impressed  from 
other  vessels,  for  an  equal  number  of  Englishmen 
in  the  Baltimore's  crew;  but  this  proposal  was 
rejected  by  Phillips,  who  of  course  had  no  right  to 
give  up  any  of  his  men,  regularly  enlisted,  what 
ever  their  nationality  might  be.  The  Baltimore, 
having  collected  a  convoy  of  homeward  bound  ves 
sels,  returned  to  the  United  States,  putting  into 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Captain  Phillips  proceeded  at 
once  to  Philadelphia  and  reported  the  affair  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.  It  had  also  been  reported 
by  the  American  consul  at  Havana,  and  on  De 
cember  29  the  following  circular,  the  third  general 
order  to  commanding  officers,  was  issued :  "  It  is 
the  positive  command  of  the  President,  that  on  no 
pretense  whatever  you  permit  the  public  vessel  of 
war  under  your  command  to  be  detained  or  searched, 
nor  any  of  the  officers  or  men  belonging  to  her  to 
be  taken  from  her  by  the  ships  or  vessels  of  any 
foreign  nation,  so  long  as  you  are  in  a  capacity 

1  Nav.  Chron.  ch.  vi ;  Phillips,  pp.  33-40,  48-59,  69-73,  111- 
114;  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  149-153;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  i,  492;  Pick 
ering,  vol.  x,  178. 


80          OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH   FRANCE 

to  repel  such  outrage  on  the  honor  of  the  Ameri 
can  flag.  If  force  should  be  exerted  to  compel 
your  submission,  you  are  to  resist  that  force  to 
the  utmost  of  your  power,  and  when  overpowered 
by  superior  force  you  are  to  strike  your  flag  and 
thus  yield  your  vessel  as  well  as  your  men,  but 
never  your  men  without  your  vessel."  l  Soon  after 
this,  January  10, 1799,  Phillips  was  summarily  dis 
missed  from  the  service.  On  January  16  the  fourth 
general  order  was  issued  by  the  Navy  Department, 
defining  more  clearly  than  the  instructions  which 
had  misled  Phillips  the  conduct  to  be  observed  in 
the  matter  of  search,  saying  that  "  it  will  not  be 
lawful  for  you  to  prevent  merchant  vessels,  although 
under  your  convoy,  from  being  searched  or  detained 
by  the  vessels  of  any  of  the  powers  at  war,  except 
the  French."  2 

Captain  Phillips  showed  lack  of  spirit  on  this 
occasion,  but  it  surely  was  a  trying  situation  for  a 
man  to  find  himself  in,  recently  graduated  from  the 
merchant  marine  and  without  naval  training  and 
tradition,  other  than  privateering  service  in  the 
Revolution,  to  guide  him.  He  should  have  ordered 
the  English  officer  away  from  his  ship,  thereby 
placing  upon  the  commodore  the  responsibility  of 
using  force.  It  is  unlikely  that  he  would  have  gone 
to  the  extreme  of  firing  upon  the  Baltimore,  and 
probably  would  have  retracted  his  demands  or  let 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  124 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  p.  152. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  p.  125. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  81 

the  matter  drop.  This  was  the  result  in  certain 
other  similar  cases.  Nevertheless,  it  is  doubtful  if 
summary  dismissal  without  a  hearing  is  ever  justi 
fiable  in  the  absence  of  emergency.  It  would  seem, 
moreover,  from  a  study  of  the  evidence,  that  neither 
the  President  nor  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  an 
intimate  knowledge  of  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case.  Phillips  should  have  been  allowed  a  court- 
martial.1 

As  winter  approached,  the  likelihood  of  French 
men  cruising  off  the  Atlantic  coast  diminished,  and 
it  was  deemed  safe  and  expedient  to  relax  watchful 
ness  in  this  quarter  and  to  concentrate  the  naval 
forces  of  the  country  in  the  enemy's  waters.  Ac 
cordingly,  in  December,  1798,  a  comprehensive 
scheme  for  the  disposition  of  the  fleet  was  worked 
out  in  the  Navy  Department,  by  which  four  squad 
rons  were  to  be  stationed  in  the  West  Indies,  two 
of  them  to  the  eastward  of  Porto  Rico  and  two  in 
Cuban  waters.  To  these  squadrons  were  assigned 
twenty-one  vessels,  the  whole  force  of  the  navy  then 
in  commission  except  one,  the  Montezuma.  Commo 
dore  Barry's  squadron  was  the  largest  and  most 
powerful,  including  the  heavy  frigates  United  States . 
and  Constitution,  the  ships  George  Washington, 
Captain  Fletcher,  Merrimack,  Captain  Brown,  and 
Portsmouth,  Captain  McNeill,  of  twenty-four  guns 
each,  and  the  Herald,  Captain  Russell,  with  four 
revenue  cutters.  One  of  the  latter  was  the  Pickering, 

1  For  remarks  on  this  subject,  see  Cooper,  vol.  i,  pp.  324-336. 


82    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

commanded  by  Lieutenant  Edward  Preble,  the  fa 
mous  commodore  of  later  days.  The  other  cutters 
were  the  Eagle,  Scammel,  and  Diligence.  Barry  was 
to  cruise  to  the  windward  of  St.  Christopher  as  far 
as  Barbadoes  and  Tobago,  giving  attention  to  points 
even  as  distant  as  Cayenne  and  Curasao,  and  to 
rendezvous  at  Prince  Rupert's  Bay  on  the  island  of 
Dominica.  In  his  orders  of  December  7  he  was  in 
formed  "  where  the  vessels  not  under  your  immediate 
command  will  be  employed,  that  you  may  apprise 
any  of  the  divisions  of  danger  beyond  their  strength 
to  resist,  reinforce  them,  or  if  occasion  should  re 
quire  it,  order  them  to  join  you  or  proceed  to  the 
United  States."  If  "encumbered  with  prisoners, your 
first  effort  must  be  to  exchange  them  for  our  own 
citizens  in  the  hands  of  the  French," — even  upon 
disadvantageous  terms,  rather  "  than  suffer  our  meri 
torious  seamen  to  remain  in  their  hands."  Barry  was 
admonished  that  "a  spirit  of  enterprise  and  adven 
ture  cannot  be  too  much  encouraged  in  the  officers 
under  your  command,  nor  can  too  many  opportuni 
ties  be  afforded  the  enterprising  to  distinguish  them 
selves.  We  have  nothing  to  dread  but  inactivity. 
The  French  can  have  no  force  in  the  West  Indies 
this  winter  equal  to  ours,  which  is  thought  to  be 
sufficient  to  rid  those  seas  as  well  of  French  com 
missioned  armed  vessels  as  of  the  pirates  which 
infest  them ;  and  it  is  with  you  to  lay  your  country 
under  obligations  by  rendering  this  important  ser 
vice  and  by  exciting  among  the  officers  and  men  a 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  83 

high  degree  of  zeal  for  the  honor  of  the  American 
Navy." * 

Commodore  Truxtun  was  ordered  to  cruise  be 
tween  St.  Christopher,  his  rendezvous,  and  Porto 
Rico.  Besides  his  own  ship,  the  Constellation,  there 
were  assigned  to  him  the  Baltimore,  Captain  Samuel 
Barron,  the  brigs  Eichmond  and  Norfolk,  and  the 
revenue  cutter  Virginia.  Commodore  Thomas  Tin- 
gey,  with  the  Ganges,  the  brig  Pinckney,  and  the 
revenue  cutter  South  Carolina,  was  stationed  in  the 
Windward  Passage,  between  Cuba  and  Haiti.  The 
Delaware  and  two  revenue  cutters,  the  Governor 
Jay  and  General  Greene,  with  Captain  Decatur 
as  senior  officer,  were  designated  for  the  protection 
of  American  interests  off  the  north  coast  of  Cuba, 
between  Havana  and  Matanzas.  In  these  disposi 
tions  Captain  Murray,  with  the  Montezuma,  having 
lost  the  Retaliation  by  capture  and  the  Norfolk 
by  assignment  to  Commodore  Truxtun's  squadron, 
was  left  alone  and  was  allowed  to  cruise  independ 
ently.  At  the  time  these  orders  for  the  winter  cam 
paign  were  issued,  many  of  the  vessels  were  not 
ready  for  sea,  and  so  did  not  arrive  on  their  stations 
until  later.2 

The  effect  of  these  defensive  measures  of  the 
government  was  very  considerable.  After  the  ap 
pearance  of  American  armed  vessels  on  the  sea,  the 
rate  of  marine  insurance  to  foreign  ports  fell  in  a 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  94 ;  Barry,  pp.  368-370. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  94,  95. 


84          OUR  NAVAL  WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

marked  degree.  It  was  estimated  that  more  than 
eight  and  a  half  million  dollars  was  saved  in  insur 
ance  during  this  first  year.(/The  whole  cost  of  the 
navy  from  1794  to  the  end  of  1798  was  about  two 
and  a  half  million  dollars.  The  saving  in  insurance 
was  of  course  only  part  of  the  gain.  The  commerce 
of  the  country,  which  without  naval  protection 
would  have  been  nearly  ruined,  was  soon  in  a  flour 
ishing  condition.  Confidence  was  restored,  and  peo 
ple  felt  that  the  honor  of  the  country  was  redeemed.1 
In  his  report  of  December  29,  1798,  Secretary 
Stoddert  says :  "  The  protection  of  our  coast,  the 
security  of  our  extensive  country  from  invasion  in 
some  of  its  weaker  parts,  the  safety  of  our  important 
commerce,  and  our  future  peace,  when  the  maritime 
nations  of  Europe  war  with  each  other,  all  seem  to 
demand  that  our  naval  force  should  be  augmented  ; 
so  much  augmented  indeed  as  to  make  the  most 
powerful  nations  desire  our  friendship  —  the  most 
unprincipled  respect  our  neutrality.  The  peaceful 
character  of  America  will  afford  to  the  world  suffi 
cient  security  that  we  shall  not  be  easily  provoked  to 
carry  the  war  into  the  country  of  an  enemy ;  and  it 
well  becomes  the  wisdom  of  America  to  provide  a 
cheap  defense  to  keep  it  from  our  own.  Twelve  ships 
of  seventy-four  guns,  as  many  frigates,  and  twenty 
or  thirty  smaller  vessels  would  probably  be  found 
(our  geographical  situation  and  our  means  of  an 
noying  the  trade  of  the  maritime  powers  consid- 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  109-112. 


THE   OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES  85 

ered)  a  force  sufficient  to  insure  our  future  peace 
with  the  nations  of  Europe.  It  would  not  perhaps  be 
hazarding  too  much  to  say  that,  had  we  possessed 
this  force  a  few  years  ago,  we  should  not  have  lost 
by  depredations  on  our  trade  four  times  the  sum 
necessary  to  have  created  and  maintained  it  during 
the  whole  time  the  war  has  existed  in  Europe.  If 
we  do  not  profit  by  experience  and  put  ourselves 
in  a  situation  to  resent  insult  and  punish  aggres 
sion,  nothing  is  more  likely  than  that  in  less  than 
half  a  dozen  years  another  occasion  may  be  pre 
sented  for  a  repetition  of  the  same  mortifying 
observation."  The  secretary  advised  immediate 
provision  for  twelve  seventy-fours  and  six  brigs  or 
schooners  to  carry  eighteen  guns  each ;  also  docks 
for  repairing  ships.  He  believed  that  the  smaller 
vessels  "  would  be  highly  useful  in  scouring  the 
West  Indies."  The  effect  of  this  report  was  seen 
in  the  acts  of  February  25,  1799,  authorizing  six 
of  each  of  these  two  classes  of  vessels  and  two 
docks,  as  well  as  making  other  provisions  for  the 
benefit  of  the  navy.1 

Unfortunately  the  vessels  and  docks  then  author 
ized  were  not  built ;  but  by  a  liberal  construction 
of  the  act  Stoddert  negotiated  for  the  purchase  of 
land  for  shipyards  in  which  to  build  the  seventy- 
fours.  This  measure  was  practically  completed  by 
the  time  he  left  office,  and  resulted  in  securing  the 

1  Nav.  Chron.  cli.  v ;  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp.  65-70 ;  Statutes  at 
Large,  vol.  i,  pp.  621,  622. 


86    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

sites  of  what  have  become  the  most  important  navy 
yards  on  the  Atlantic  coast.1 

The  popular  interest  in  naval  affairs  at  this  time 
is  indicated  in  a  letter  of  Secretary  Stoddert  to 
Commodore  Barry:  "They  [Congress]  are  dis 
posed  to  do  more  for  the  advantage  of  the  navy, 
but  are  afraid  of  going  too  fast,  wishing  public 
opinion  to  go  along  with  them.  It  is  very  certain, 
however,  that  public  opinion  is  getting  more  and 
more  in  favor  of  the  Navy."  2  Addresses  of  both 
houses  of  Congress  to  the  President  in  December, 
1798,  express  this  sentiment.3 

1  Nav.  Inst.  September,  1906,  pp.  1024-1029;  Letters  to  Presi 
dent,  77,  83. 

2  Barry,  p.  377. 

8  Richardson,  vol.  i,  pp.  276,  278. 


CHAPTER  VI 

EVENTS  OF  1799 

THE  year  1799  opened  with  a  respectable  United 
States  naval  force  upon  the  sea,  an  achievement  of 
some  moment  when  it  is  considered  that  much  less 
than  a  year  before  there  had  been  not  a  single 
national  vessel  in  commission,  except  a  few  little 
revenue  cutters  and  the  brig  Sophia,  a  dispatch 
boat  belonging  to  the  State  Department. 

Lieutenant  Bainbridge  left  Guadeloupe  in  the 
Retaliation  January  18,1  accompanied  by  an  agent 
of  Governor  Desfourneaux,  who  bore  a  letter  from 
the  governor  to  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
It  required  two  other  vessels  as  cartels  to  convey 
all  the  prisoners.  They  arrived  at  Philadelphia  Feb 
ruary  13.  The  Retaliation  was  not  a  cartel,  but 
with  her  crew  reduced  to  forty  was  put  under  the 
command  of  Bainbridge,  although  he  protested  that 
he  was  a  prisoner  of  war  and  that  a  French  officer 
should  be  in  command.  The  governor,  however, 
forced  his  compliance  with  this  arrangement.  Des 
fourneaux  professed  to  be  influenced  solely  by 
philanthropy  in  sending  home  these  captives,  ex 
pecting  no  French  prisoners  in  return,  on  the  ground 
that  only  in  case  of  a  regularly  declared  war  could 

1  See  above,  p.  75. 


88    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

an  exchange  of  prisoners  be  effected.  In  his  letter 
to  the  President  he  said  that  Guadeloupe  privateers 
were  to  cruise  only  against  enemies  and  that  Amer 
icans  would  be  well  treated ;  and  further,  that  the 
Retaliation  would  have  been  released  at  once  had 
it  not  been  necessary  to  lay  an  embargo.  "  The 
citizens  of  the  United  States  may  come  and  ex 
change  their  produce, "  he  said,  and  "  will  be  con 
sidered  and  treated  like  allies."  Desfourneaux's 
declarations  of  friendship  were  commonly  thought 
insincere,  although  in  the  opposition  party  the 
contrary  opinion  prevailed.  The  ill-treatment  of 
prisoners  and  the  depredations  of  the  Guadeloupe 
privateers  had  continued  many  weeks  after  the  gov 
ernor  had  assumed  control  of  affairs.  His  desire  for 
the  neutrality  of  his  island  and  for  American  trade 
was  believed  to  have  its  origin  in  a  hope  of  private 
gain  rather  than  of  international  comity.  The  suf 
ferings  of  American  prisoners  and  the  impressment 
of  some  of  them  into  the  French  naval  service 
excited  resentment  in  the  United  States,  and  led 
to  the  passage  of  an  act  on  March  3,  1799,  which 
required  the  President  "  to  cause  the  most  rigorous 
retaliation  to  be  executed  on  any  such  citizens  of 
the  French  Republic  "  as  might  fall  into  American 
hands.  French  prisoners  in  the  United  States  also 
complained  of  their  treatment.  It  was  said  that 
they  suffered  from  cold,  hunger,  lack  of  cooking 
utensils  and  of  sanitary  arrangements.  The  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy,  in  response  to  inquiry,  reported 


EVENTS  OF  1799  89 

to  Congress,  December  24, 1799,  that  the  prisoners' 
ration  was  never  less  than  one  pound  each  of  bread 
and  vegetables  and  half  a  pound  of  meat,  and  they 
were  furnished  with  clothing  and  blankets  and  fuel 
in  season.  Officers  were  allowed  to  commute  their 
rations  and  also  to  depart  from  the  United  States 
on  parole.  From  the  first  it  had  been  the  policy  of 
the  administration  to  exchange  prisoners  whenever 
possible,  and  when  not  possible  they  were  often  re 
leased,  receipts  being  taken  for  them  from  French 
consuls  or  other  responsible  persons.  Towards  the 
end  of  March  the  Retaliation  was  sent  back  to 
Guadeloupe  with  French  prisoners  in  exchange  for 
the  Americans,  and  with  a  letter  from  the  Secretary 
of  State  to  Desfourneaux  saying  that  intercourse 
would  be  resumed  with  any  island  in  the  West 
Indies  when  the  privateers  of  that  island  ceased 
their  depredations.1 

The  frigate  United  States,  wearing  the  broad 
pennant  of  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy,  Commo 
dore  Barry,  cruised  upon  her  station  among  the 

1  Bainbridge,  pp.  29-35 ;  Barry,  pp.  359,  360,  367,  370 ;  Stat 
utes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  743 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  vii,  p.  357,  Letter  to 
E.  Pendleton  (February  14,  1799),  p.  361,  to  Madison  (February 
19,  1799) ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  February  20,  1799,  Bainbridge  to 
Stoddert  (January  3  and  7,  February  10,  1799)  and  Correspond 
ence  with  Desfourneaux;  Mass.  Mercury,  February  15,  1799, 
Desfourneaux  to  President  (December  15,  1798) ;  Connecticut 
Courant,  February  25,  March  18,  1799 ;  Pickering,  vol.  x,  488, 
Pickering-  to  Desfourneaux  (March  16,  1799),  643,  vol.  xi,  183, 
vol.  xxxvii,  365 ;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  ii,  194 ;  Letters  to  Congress,  29, 
Stoddert  to  Speaker  of  House  of  Representatives  (December  24, 
1799). 


90    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Windward  Islands  until  spring.  A  storeship,  with 
provisions  for  the  squadron,  was  soon  sent  out  from 
Boston.  Early  in  February  the  frigate  discovered 
a  small  French  privateer,  the  pursuit  of  which  is 
described  by  an  officer  on  board  the  United  States, 
thought  to  be  Midshipman  Decatur.  "  On  Sunday, 
the  3d  hist.,  to  windward  of  Martinique,  at  8  A.  M. 
gave  chase  to  a  schooner,  and  at  3  P.  M.  came  within 
two  gun  shots  of  her,  when,  to  the  astonishment  of 
all  hands,  she  attempted  by  short  stretches  to  get 
to  windward  of  us  directly  under  our  battery,  but 
in  this  she  failed,  for  we  soon  brought  her  to,  our 
third  shot  having  gone  effectually  through  her,  and 
in  a  few  minutes  she  filled  with  water,  upon  which 
they  hauled  down  their  sails  and  set  up  the  most 
lamentable  howl  I  ever  heard.  .  .  .  Our  boats  were 
immediately  sent  to  their  relief.  I  was  in  the  first ; 
when  I  came  near  and  found  the  crew  all  stript 
and  ready  for  a  swim,  I  thought  it  not  safe  to  go 
on  board,  but  told  them  the  only  chance  for  their 
safety  was  to  run  alongside  the  ship,  which  they  did, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  after  the  schooner  went  down. 
The  whole  of  this  crew  were  saved,  amounting  to 
60  men."  *  This  vessel  was  called  the  Amour  de  la 
Patrie,  and  she  carried  only  six  guns.  At  about  the 
same  time,  probably,  the  United  States  fell  in  with 
another  small  privateer  and  captured  her  ;  she  was 
the  Tartuffe  of  eight  guns  and  sixty  men.  Commo 
dore  Barry  now  had  with  him  a  considerable  num- 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  26,  1799. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  91 

ber  of  prisoners,  and  hoped  by  means  of  exchange 
to  release  an  equal  number  of  American  seamen 
from  captivity.  Accordingly  he  ran  into  Basse  Terre 
roads,  Guadeloupe,  under  a  flag  of  truce.  Captain 
Murray  in  the  Montezuma,  who  happened  to  be  in 
the  vicinity  just  at  that  time  convoying  a  fleet  of 
merchantmen,  in  a  report  to  the  Navy  Department, 
February  20,  says  :  "  I  parted  with  Com.  Barry  off 
the  road  of  Bassaterre,  where  he  sent  his  boat  with 
a  flag  to  endeavor  to  negociate  an  exchange  of  pris 
oners  he  took  up  from  the  privateer  he  sunk  off 
Martinico,  which  he  will  inform  you  of,  but  the  fort 
fired  on  them  and  would  not  let  them  land."  1  There 
upon  Barry  hauled  down  his  white  flag  and  bom 
barded  the  fort  in  return.  February  26,  the  United 
States  captured  an  English  prize  of  the  French 
privateer  Democrat,  but  the  latter  escaped.  An 
American  prize  also  was  recaptured.  Barry  made 
another  attempt  to  exchange  prisoners,  sending  a 
flag  of  truce  to  Guadeloupe.  Governor  Desfourneax 
assured  Barry  that  there  were  no  Americans  on  the 
Island  and  had  not  been  since  Bainbridge  and  his 
fellow  prisoners  had  departed,  except  a  few  who 
remained  from  choice  and  the  crew  of  an  American 
ship  recently  brought  in  who  were  to  be  released. 
Barry  was  skeptical  as  to  this  statement,  but  he 
put  his  French  prisoners  ashore,  wishing  to  get 
them  off  his  hands.  The  governor  maintained  that 
he  did  not  recognize  a  condition  of  war  as  exist- 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  29,  1799. 


92    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ing,  and  that  Guadeloupe  was  open  to  American 
trade.1 

The  ship  Merrimack,  24,  Captain  Moses  Brown, 
arrived  at  the  rendezvous  in  Prince  Rupert's  Bay 
January  20.  This  vessel  had  recently  been  built  for 
the  service  at  Newburyport,  with  a  fund  raised  by 
citizens  under  the  act  of  June  30,  1798.  She  was 
the  first  of  four  ships  of  the  same  name  on  the  United 
States  navy  list,  a  name  afterwards  made  famous 
at  Hampton  Roads  and  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  She 
sailed  from  Boston  January  3,  and  a  few  days  after 
her  arrival  on  the  station  fell  in  with  her  flagship, 
the  United  States.  Commodore  Barry  sent  her  back 
to  the  United  States  with  a  large  convoy  of  mer 
chantmen.  During  the  homeward  voyage  of  this 
fleet  they  fell  in  with  several  English  armed  vessels, 
but  were  not  much  disturbed  by  the  French.  From 
St.  Christopher  they  were  accompanied  a  short  dis 
tance  by  the  Montezuma.  Convoy  duty  was  subject 
to  many  difficulties  and  annoyances,  due  to  the  in 
subordination  of  the  shipmasters,  the  varying  sailing 
qualities  of  the  ships,  and  other  causes.  Brown  wrote 
to  Barry,  February  16:  "Our  Countrymen  want 
Convoy  but  pay  no  attention  to  keep  with  it  and 
such  tubs  as  some  of  them  are  under  my  convoy  I 
never  saw,  and  they  are  sure  to  spread  each  night 
as  far  as  possible  to  see  them."2  Strange  vessels  not 
infrequently  found  their  way  into  the  fleet  during 

1  Decatur,  pp.  31-34 ;  Barry,  pp.  377,  378,  383-387. 

2  Barry,  p.  380. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  93 

the  night  without  attracting  attention.  The  possi 
bility  of  an  enemy's  doing  this  made  extreme  vigi 
lance  necessary.  Having  escorted  the  merchantmen 
to  a  point  beyond  danger  of  molestation,  the  Merri- 
mack  left  them  on  February  28  and  returned  to  the 
West  Indies,  arriving  at  Prince  Rupert's  Bay  again 
March  II.1 

Commodore  Truxtun  cruised  in  the  Constellation 
with  his  squadron  among  the  Leeward  Islands  sev 
eral  weeks  before  anything  worthy  of  record  took 
place  ;  but  he  was  destined  to  win  the  largest  share 
of  the  glory  to  be  achieved  by  the  navy  in  this  war 
and  had  not  long  to  wait  for  the  first  of  his  laurels. 
The  events  of  February  9  off  the  island  of  Nevis 
are  best  told  in  the  words  of  the  leading  actors.  On 
the  following  day  Truxtun  wrote  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy :  "  At  noon,  the  island  bearing  W. 
S.  W.  five  leagues  distance,  discovered  a  large  ship 
to  southward,  on  which  I  bore  down.  She  hoisted 
American  colors  and  I  made  our  private  signals  for 
the  day,  as  well  as  that  of  the  British,  but  finding 
she  answered  neither,  I  immediately  suspected  her 
to  be  an  enemy  and  in  a  short  time  after  found  that 
my  suspicions  were  well  founded,  for  she  hoisted  the 
French  national  colors  and  fired  a  gun  to  windward, 
which  is  a  signal  of  an  enemy.  I  continued  bearing 
down  on  her  and  at  a  quarter  past  three  P.  M.  she 
hailed  me  several  times,  and  as  soon  as  I  got  in  a 
position  for  every  shot  to  do  execution  I  answered 

1  Brown,  ch.  xii,  xiii,  xiv ;  Mass.  Mercury,  March  29,  1799. 


94:    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

by  commencing  a  close  and  successful  engagement 
which  lasted  until  about  half  past  four  p.  M.,  when 
she  struck  her  colors  to  the  United  States  ship  Con 
stellation  and  I  immediately  took  possession  of  her. 
She  proved  to  be  the  celebrated  French  national 
frigate  Insurgente  of  40  guns  and  409  men,  lately 
out  from  France,  commanded  by  Monsieur  Bar- 
reaut,  and  is  esteemed  one  of  the  fastest  sailing 
ships  in  the  French  navy.  I  have  been  much  shat 
tered  in  my  rigging  and  sails  and  my  foretopmast 
rendered,  from  wounds,  useless ;  you  may  depend 
the  enemy  is  not  less  so.  ...  I  must  not  omit  in 
this  hasty  detail  to  do  justice  to  Monsieur  Barreaut, 
for  he  defended  his  ship  manfully,  and  from  my 
raking  him  several  times  fore  and  aft  and  being 
athwart  his  stern,  ready  with  every  gun  to  fire  when 
he  struck  his  colors,  we  may  impute  the  conflict  not 
being  more  bloody  on  our  side ;  for  had  not  these 
advantages  been  taken  the  engagement  would  not 
have  ended  so  soon,  for  the  Insurgente  was  com 
pletely  officered  and  manned."  l 

The  first  lieutenant  of  the  Constellation,  John 
Rodgers,  in  a  letter  written  February  15,  gives  some 
further  details  of  the  battle.  "  At  2  p.  M.  the  chase 
carried  away  her  main-topmast  and  bore  away  before 
the  wind  for  a  short  time,  after  which,  finding  we 
continued  the  chase,  she  hauled  up  within  eight 
points  of  the  wind  on  the  starboard  tack.  At  a 
quarter  past  3  P.  M.  it  blowing  extremely  hard,  and 

i  Naval  Temple,  pp.  262,  263 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  130,  131. 


ft 


EVENTS  OF  1799  95 

our  ship  being  rather  crank,  we  ran  close  under  the 
enemy's  lee,  for  the  sake  of  working  our  guns  with 
more  facility.  As  soon  as  we  got  abreast  of  the 
enemy  she  hailed  several  times,  but  no  answer  was 
given.  The  Commodore  ordered  myself  with  the 
other  lieutenants  commanding  divisions  to  fire  di 
rectly  into  the  hull,  as  soon  as  we  could  bring  our 
guns  to  bear,  and  to  load  with  two  round  shot  prin 
cipally,  during  the  action.  All  the  orders  being 
complied  with,  we  raked  her  several  times  in  the 
course  of  the  action,  which  went  on  to  our  most 
sanguine  expectations." 1 

In  his  official  report  to  Governor  Desfourneaux 
Captain  Barreaut  says  :  "  The  21st  Pluviose,  about 
three  leagues  off  the  northeast  point  of  Nevis,  which 
then  bore  N.  W.  by  N.,  the  wind  east,  the  lookout 
called  at  12.30  p.  M.  that  there  was  a  sail  to  the 
windward  of  us.  I  continued  my  course  for  another 
half  hour ;  then,  having  mounted  the  f oreyard  with 
Citizen  Petit  Pierre,  I  saw  that  the  stranger  was 
making  for  us.  I  then  kept  away  to  the  northwest 
with  the  intention  of  running  between  Saba  and 
St.  Kitts,  but  this  vessel  in  approaching  appeared 
to  me  and  to  all  on  the  yards  to  be  a  corvette  from 
the  trim  of  her  sails."  Barreaut  at  first  mistook  the 
Constellation  for  an  English  ship.  His  report  goes 
on :  "I  believed  it  was  the  moment  to  show  our 
haughty  enemies  that,  in  spite  of  the  superiority  of 
their  forces,  vessels  of  war  might  still  be  captured 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  22,  1799. 


96    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

from  them.  I  wished  also  to  inspire  confidence  in 
my  crew  and  I  hauled  by  the  wind,  every  one  burn 
ing  with  ardor  for  the  fight.  At  one  o'clock  I  went 
about  on  the  same  tack  as  this  vessel,  which  con 
tinued  to  chase  us,  and  at  1.30  p.  M.,  in  a  squall 
in  which  the  topgallant  sails  were  taken  in,  the  Cit 
izen  Durand  then  commanding  the  manosuvre,  the 
main-topmast  fell  —  source  of  all  our  misfortune. 
Immediately,  upon  the  advice  of  the  coasting  pilot, 
I  steered  to  the  N.  W.  by  N.  to  make  St.  Eusta- 
tius  if  I  had  time  to  gain  the  anchorage.  The  vessel, 
which  I  could  see  was  a  frigate,  chased  me.  I  had 
hoisted  the  American  flag ;  she  signaled  me  and 
also  hoisted  an  American  flag. 

44 1  found  myself  in  a  position  to  no  longer  avoid 
an  engagement,  and  as  the  stranger  still  pursued 
me  it  became  necessary  to  ascertain  her  nationality. 
I  therefore  lowered  the  American  flag  and  hoisted 
French  colors  with  pennant,  which  I  confirmed  by  a 
cannon  shot  to  leeward.  She  hoisted  her  broad  pen 
nant  with  the  American  flag  without  confirming.  I 
doubted  yet  that  she  was  an  American.  I  was  much 
embarrassed  by  your  orders,  which  were  not  to  fire 
on  the  American  flag.  Thus  an  English  frigate 
could  easily  have  made  use  of  this  flag  while  chas 
ing  us,  thereby  avoiding  the  fire  of  our  18-pounder, 
with  which  we  could  have  seriously  injured  her 
during  the  hour  and  a  half  she  was  overtaking  us 
and  thus  have  given  me  time  to  save  myself.  .  .  . 
Having  lost  my  main-topmast  I  gave  the  advantage 


EVENTS  OF  1799  97 

to  a  frigate  of  double  my  strength  in  letting  her 
approach  within  pistol  shot  before  defending  myself. 
I  was  thus  obliged  to  receive  a  full  broadside  from 
a  frigate  of  24  and  12-pounders  deliberately  aimed 
at  pistol  shot,  which  broadside  made  terrible  havoc 
in  my  quarter-deck. 

"  At  three  o'clock  the  combat  began.  Judge  of 
my  surprise  on  finding  myself  fought  by  an  Ameri 
can  frigate  after  all  the  friendship  and  protection 
accorded  to  the  United  States.  My  indignation  was 
at  its  height.  As  soon  as  my  first  broadside  was 
fired  I  cried,  and  with  all  the  men  on  the  quarter 
deck  and  forecastle,  4  Stand  by  to  board  ! '  My 
cabin  was  invaded  to  get  arms,  and  I  ran  to  the 
helm  to  luff  her  in  order  to  run  aboard  the  Ameri 
can  frigate.  L'Insurgente  obeyed  the  first  impulse, 
but  as  she  was  without  sails  amidships  and  as  we 
were  not  able  to  move  the  others  quickly  enough, 
the  American  frigate  had  time  to  run  ahead  of  us, 
and  having  all  her  sails  set  she  was  beyond  us, 
which  compelled  us  to  man  the  other  battery.  My 
only  remaining  resource  were  my  guns  and  an 
18-pounder  of  the  port  battery,  and  manoeuvring 
with  much  difficulty  we  fired  three  broadsides. 
The  American  frigate  now  seemed  to  suspend  her 
fire  and  I  ordered  Citizen  Jourdan  to  suspend  ours, 
thinking  that  the  American  captain  might  still  be 
considering  his  conduct.  But  he  again  opened  on 
us,  so  I  gave  orders  to  fire  also.  This  frigate  did 
not  remain  abeam  of  us,  but  sought  by  every 


98    OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

means  to  take  advantageous  positions  and  com 
pletely  to  dismantle  us.  I  endeavored  to  repair  the 
rigging.  The  mizzen-topmast  had  fallen  in  the  top, 
the  spanker  was  completely  riddled.  All  that  I 
could  do  was  to  take  it  in.  The  braces,  fore-bow 
lines  and  fore-topsails  were  completely  cut  through, 
our  topmen  without  doubt  killed,  as  they  did  not 
reply ;  the  master  did  not  appear  upon  the  bridge, 
no  quartermasters  were  left,  only  a  bridgeman  and 
the  masters.  All  I  could  do  was  to  give  the  order 
to  Citizen  Sire  to  square  everything ;  the  only 
after-sail  was  the  mizzen.  The  American  frigate 
still  having  all  her  sails,  which  were  only  slightly 
injured,  and  moving  very  easily,  was  at  pistol 
range  ahead  of  us.  Finally  as  my  position  was 
hopeless  it  soon  became  necessary  to  surrender  to 
very  superior  forces."  l 

The  injury  to  the  Constellation's  fore-topmast, 
mentioned  in  Truxtun's  report,  was  done  by  an 
18-pound  ball  from  the  Insurgente,  which  struck 
the  mast  just  above  the  cap.  Midshipman  David 
Porter,  who  was  stationed  in  the  foretop,  seeing 
that  the  weakened  mast  was  in  danger  of  falling, 
hailed  the  deck  for  instructions,  but  was  unheard 
in  the  din  of  battle.  With  good  judgment  and 
on  his  own  responsibility  he  thereupon  went  aloft, 
cut  the  slings,  lowered  the  yard,  and  so  saved  the 
mast  by  relieving  it  of  the  pressure  of  the  topsail.2 

1  Maclay,  vol.  i,  pp.  183-186. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  p.  133. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  99 

Porter  afterwards  became  a  famous  commodore  in 
the  war  of  1812  and  the  father  of  Admiral  Porter. 
The  Constellation  and  Insurgente  were  both  rated 
as  thirty-six  gun  frigates,  but  the  armament  of 
the  two  ships  differed  materially.  The  Constellation 
carried  twenty-eight  long  twenty-four  pounders  on 
her  gun  deck,  while  on  the  quarter-deck  and  fore 
castle  were  mounted  ten  long  twelve  pounders.  Ac 
cording  to  Truxtun  the  Insurgente's  armament  was 
composed  of  forty  guns :  twenty-four  twelve  pound 
ers,  two  eighteens,  and  eight  sixes,  all  long  guns ; 
also  four  thirty-six  pounders  and  two  twenty-fours,1 
these  last  six  guns  doubtless  carronades.  Although 
she  mounted  two  more  guns  than  the  Constellation, 
her  broadside  was  only  two  hundred  and  eighty-two 
pounds  as  compared  with  three  hundred  and  ninety- 
six  pounds  for  the  American  ;  but  the  disparity  was 
less  than  the  figures  indicate,  for  the  excessive 
weight  of  French  shot  would  add  over  twenty  pounds 
to  the  Insurgente's  broadside.2  The  crew  of  the 
Constellation  numbered  three  hundred  and  nine, 
that  of  the  Insurgente  four  hundred  and  nine.  The 
larger  crew  of  the  latter  was  of  no  advantage  under 
the  circumstances,  but  would  have  been  if  she  had 
been  able  to  get  alongside  and  board  the  Constella 
tion  ;  the  loss  of  her  main-topmast  made  this  prac 
tically  impossible.  Captain  Barreaut  was  further 
placed  at  a  disadvantage  by  the  idea  which  seems 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  22,  1799. 
3  See  above,  p.  58. 


100         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

to  have  taken  possession  of  him  that  peace  had 
been  restored  between  his  country  and  the  United 
States,  and  by  his  orders  from  Governor  Desfour- 
neaux  not  to  fire  upon  the  American  flag. 

Nevertheless,  the  superiority  of  the  Constellation 
was  not  only  in  weight  of  metal,  but  in  her  ability 
to  use  her  advantage.  Her  broadsides  were  aimed 
low  and  were  poured  into  her  enemy  with  destruc 
tive  effect.  Meanwhile  the  damage  she  received  was 
nearly  all  aloft ;  most  of  the  Insurgente's  projec 
tiles  were  wasted  in  the  air,  so  that  their  weight 
was  of  less  importance.  American  seamen  at  this 
early  date  displayed  the  skill  in  gunnery  which 
especially  distinguished  them  in  the  War  of  1812 
and  made  them  the  best  naval  gunners  of  their  day. 
The  Insurgente  had  seventy  casualties  :  twenty-nine 
killed  and  forty-one  wounded ;  several  were  found 
dead  in  the  tops  eighteen  hours  after  the  battle. 
The  only  man  who  lost  his  life  on  the  Constellation 
during  the  action  was  not  killed  by  the  enemy,  but 
by  his  divisional  officer,  for  having  deserted  his 
quarters.  Of  this  incident  Lieutenant  Sterrett  says  : 
"  One  fellow  I  was  obliged  to  run  through  the  body 
with  my  sword  and  so  put  an  end  to  a  coward."  * 
By  the  Insurgente's  fire  three  of  the  Constellation's 
crew  were  wounded,  one  of  them  mortally. 

In  a  later  report,  February  14,  Truxtun  says : 
"  My  gun  deck  is  divided  into  three  divisions :  the 
first,  of  five  guns  and  opposite,  superintended  by 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  22,  1799. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  101 

the  first  lieutenant,  Mr.  Rodgers;  the  second,  of 
five  guns  and  opposite,  by  the  second  lieutenant, 
Mr.  Cowper ;  the  third,  of  four  guns  and  opposite, 
by  the  third  lieutenant,  Mr.  Sterrett.  The  zeal  of 
these  three  officers  in  performing  their  duty  and 
complying  strictly  with  my  orders  cannot  be  sur 
passed.  But  I  must  not,  in  praise  of  them,  be  silent 
as  to  the  good  conduct  of  Mr.  Shirley,  the  master, 
and  Mr.  Archer,  the  fourth  lieutenant,  who  acted 
their  part  near  my  person  on  the  quarter-deck  and 
who  are  also  deserving  of  notice  ;  but  for  the  honor 
of  our  nation  I  must  declare  that  it  is  impossible 
for  officers  and  men  in  any  service  to  have  behaved 
better  than  my  people  did  generally  on  this  occa 
sion."  i 

Of  what  happened  after  the  battle  Lieutenant 
Rodgers  says  in  his  letter  of  February  15 :  "  When 
she  struck  I  was  ordered  to  board  and  take  posses 
sion  and  to  send  the  captain  and  first  lieutenant 
on  board  the  Constellation,  which  was  done,  and 
an  exchange  of  prisoners  immediately  took  place."  2 
Rodger s's  adventures  on  board  the  Insurgente  with 
his  prize  crew,  consisting  of  Midshipman  Porter  and 
eleven  men,  are  not  mentioned  by  him.  As  it  could 
not  have  been  far  from  five  o'clock  by  the  time  they 
reached  the  prize,  there  was  not  much  daylight  left. 
The  accepted  account  of  subsequent  events  states 
that  the  operation  of  transferring  the  prisoners  to 

1  Naval  Temple,  p.  264 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  131. 

2  Mass.  Mercury,  March  22,  1799. 


102        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  Constellation  was  made  difficult  by  the  high 
wind  and  sea.  By  the  time  night  came  on  the  two 
ships  had  become  so  far  separated  and  the  sea  so 
high  that  communication  between  them  became  im 
possible.  Rodgers  now  found  himself  with  a  handful 
of  men  in  charge  of  a  large  frigate,  with  her  decks 
encumbered  by  wreckage  and  the  bodies  of  dead  and 
wounded  men,  and  with  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
three  prisoners  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  first 
opportunity  to  rise  on  their  captors  and  recover  their 
ship.  To  navigate  the  crippled  ship  in  a  gale  with 
the  help  of  a  midshipman  and  eleven  men  and  at 
the  same  time  secure  the  prisoners  was  his  task,  and 
it  was  a  perilous  situation.  The  crew  of  the  Insur- 
gente  had  thrown  overboard  the  gratings  for  cover 
ing  the  hatchways  and  apparently  all  the  handcuffs 
and  other  means  of  securing  prisoners,  for  nothing 
of  the  kind  could  be  found.  Rodgers  at  once  got 
possession  of  all  the  small  arms  on  the  ship,  and, 
having  driven  the  prisoners  into  the  lower  hold, 
placed  a  sentinel  at  each  hatch.  In  this  way  the  lit 
tle  prize  crew,  with  the  duties  of  navigation  and 
of  guarding  the  prisoners  apportioned  among  them, 
passed  three  sleepless  nights  and  two  days.  They 
were  then  able  to  rejoin  the  Constellation.1  Truxtun 
says  in  his  report  of  February  14,  dated  at  St. 
Christopher :  "  On  the  13th,  after  the  greatest  ex- 

1  This  account  rests  on  the  authority  of  Goldsborough  (Nav. 
Chron.  p.  132),  who  is  reliable.  Admiral  Porter  gives  additional 
particulars  (Porter,  p.  23).  The  fact  that  neither  Truxtun  nor 
Rodgers  has  a  word  to  say  about  the  affair  is  remarkable. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  103 

ertions  having  been  made,  we  gained  these  roads 
with  both  ships  and  anchored  them  safe  about 
noon.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  state  to  you  the 
joy  demonstrated  by  the  inhabitants  on  this  occa 
sion.  ...  I  shall  proceed  to  repair  the  damages 
sustained  by  both  ships  as  speedily  as  possible,  and 
until  the  pleasure  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  is  known,  I  intend  to  give  lieutenant  John 
Kodgers  an  order  to  command  the  Insurgente."  l 

Governor  Desfourneaux  sent  his  secretary  to  St. 
Christopher  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  Insur 
gente,  on  the  ground  that  the  United  States  and 
France  were  at  peace.  Truxtun  naturally  declined, 
declaring  that  he  had  taken  the  frigate  in  obedi 
ence  to  the  instructions  of  his  government.  There 
upon  the  secretary  departed  with  threats  that  all 
American  property  at  Guadeloupe  would  be  confis 
cated.  On  March  14  Desfourneaux  issued  a  decla 
ration  of  war  against  the  United  States,  which  set 
forth  that  after  all  his  efforts  to  establish  friendly 
relations  with  that  country,  having  released  prizes, 
liberated  prisoners,  and  instructed  French  com 
manders  to  respect  the  American  flag,  he  was  aston 
ished  at  the  capture  of  the  Insurgente  and  the 
insult  to  the  flag  of  France.  Thenceforth  all  Ameri 
can  vessels  were  to  be  seized,  sent  into  Guadeloupe, 
and  condemned,  or,  if  not  liable  to  condemnation, 
were  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  paid  to  the  cap 
tors  or  to  the  owners,  according  to  orders  received 
1  Naval  Temple,  pp.  263,  264;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  131. 


104         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

from  the  Directory.  In  the  United  States  it  was 
still  believed  that  privateering  from  Guadeloupe 
and  the  seizure  of  American  vessels  had  never 
ceased,  and  this  opinion  was  expressed  in  the  cor 
respondence  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Meanwhile 
Desfourneaux  had  agreed  to  Truxtun's  terms  for 
the  exchange  of  prisoners  and  sent  a  receipt  for 
some  who  had  been  delivered  to  him,  promising 
to  release  an  equal  number  of  Americans.  Most  of 
the  prisoners  taken  on  the  Insurgente  were  con 
fined  in  a  prison  ship  at  St.  Christopher  and  in 
jail  on  shore,  the  wounded  being  in  the  hospital. 
Repairs  on  the  Constellation  were  soon  made.  The 
Insurgente  also  was  refitted  and  was  ready  for  sea 
early  in  March.  Her  crew  was  made  up  readily, 
other  vessels  being  drawn  upon.  The  Montezuma 
contributed  fourteen  men  and  the  Norfolk,  it  is 
said,  as  many  as  seventy ;  probably  some  exchanged 
prisoners  were  enlisted.  The  Constellation  and  the 
Insurgente  cruised  on  Commodore  Truxtun's  sta 
tion  several  weeks  in  the  spring.  Nothing  more  im 
portant  occurred  than  the  capture  of  one  or  two 
small  privateers  by  the  Constellation.  The  term  of 
enlistment  of  many  of  her  crew  had  expired  and 
both  vessels  sailed  for  the  United  States  in  May, 
arriving  in  Hampton  Roads  towards  the  end  of  the 
month.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  not  in 
tended  that  they  should  return  so  soon,  and  wrote 
to  the  President  May  29 :  "I  had  calculated  with 
confidence  on  Truxtun's  remaining  until  the  return 


EVENTS  OF  1799  105 

of  the  Norfolk,  as  he  sent  her  in  and  wrote  me  by 
her  he  should  wait  for  her  return,  which  he  ought 
to  have  done.  However,  he  has  conducted  himself 
so  well  in  general  that  I  will  not  complain."  The 
first  and  second  lieutenants  of  the  Constellation 
were  promoted,  Rodgers  to  the  rank  of  captain  and 
Cowper  to  master  commandant,  corresponding  to 
the  present  grade  of  commander.1 

The  Constitution,  Captain  Nicholson,  cruised  in 
the  West  Indies  during  the  winter  and  early  spring 
of  1799,  but  met  with  few  adventures  and  reaped 
no  glory.  She  was  too  large  to  chase  French  priva 
teers  in  narrow  and  shallow  waters  and  had  not  the 
luck  of  the  Constellation  in  falling  in  with  frigates. 
She  chased  the  Insurgente,  however,  before  that 
vessel  came  in  Truxtun's  way,  and,  it  was  thought, 
would  have  overhauled  and  captured  her  had  she 
not  sprung  her  foremast.  Captain  Nicholson  recap 
tured  a  British  ship  called  the  Spencer  from  the 
French,  but  through  a  misconception  of  his  author 
ity  and  perhaps  made  over-cautious  by  his  mistake 
in  seizing  the  Niger,2  he  surrendered  the  Spencer 
to  her  French  captors,  on  the  ground  that  she  was 
unarmed.  This  pleased  the  administration  as  little 
as  the  affair  of  the  Niger.  About  this  time  Con 
gress  passed  the  act  of  February  9, 1799,  "  further 
to  suspend  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  March  22,  29,  April  5,  9,  May  10,  June  7, 
1799;  Pickering,  vol.  x,  532,  643,  vol.  xi,  130,  138;  Letter  Book 
(1799-1807),  1,  5  (May  15,  29, 1799). 

2  See  above,  p.  71. 


106        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

United  States  and  France  and  the  dependencies 
thereof."1  On  March  12  the  Navy  Department  is 
sued  its  fifth  circular  order,  to  carry  out  this  act, 
which  enjoined  increased  vigilance  in  the  preven 
tion  of  American  trade  with  French  ports  and  the 
search  of  all  suspicious  vessels,  even  under  foreign 
flags ;  also  the  recapture  from  the  French  of  the 
armed  vessels  of  other  nations.  In  this  general  or 
der  the  surrender  of  the  Spencer  by  Nicholson  was 
mentioned,  and  the  rule  of  conduct  in  such  cases 
was  laid  down  as  follows :  "  Our  laws  direct  the 
capture  of  all  armed  vessels  sailing  under  authority 
or  pretence  of  authority  from  the  French  republic. 
A  vessel  captured  by  the  cruisers  of  France  must  be 
considered  as  sailing  under  the  authority  of  France ; 
and  it  is  scarcely  to  be  supposed  that  in  times  like 
the  present,  when  few  vessels  sail  without  arms,  a 
captured  vessel  in  possession  of  the  captors  will  be 
so  circumstanced  as  not  to  come  under  the  descrip 
tion  of  an  armed  vessel  within  the  meaning  of  our 
laws.  To  justify  a  recapture  nothing  is  necessary 
but  that  the  vessel  be  provided  with  such  means  of 
annoyance  as  will  render  her  dangerous  to  an  un 
armed  American  vessel  in  pursuit  of  lawful  com 
merce.  If,  however,  the  vessel  cannot  be  considered 
an  armed  vessel  within  the  meaning  of  our  laws, 
you  are  not  to  recapture  her,  unless  you  have  prob 
able  cause  to  suspect  that  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  or  persons  resident  therein,  have  some  inter- 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  613. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  107 

est  in  the  vessel  or  cargo.  It  is  always  your  duty  to 
recapture  American  property,  or  property  of  per 
sons  resident  within  the  United  States,  whenever 
found  in  possession  of  the  French  on  the  high  seas."  1 
As  well  as  being  in  some  degree  out  of  favor  with 
the  administration,  Nicholson  seems  to  have  been 
disliked  by  the  navy  agent  in  Boston,  Stephen  Hig- 
ginson,  and  was  unpopular  with  his  officers  and 
men.  In  March  the  Constitution  was  ordered  to 
Boston,  as  it  was  thought  necessary,  with  the  ap 
proach  of  spring,  to  provide  for  the  protection  of 
home  waters.  She  sailed  with  a  convoy  in  April, 
in  company  with  the  Merrimack ;  they  reached 
Boston  in  May.  Captain  Nicholson  was  detached 
from  his  ship  and  thenceforth  was  employed  on 
shore.  The  George  Washington  came  home  a  little 
later.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  a  poor  opin 
ion  of  this  ship  on  account  of  her  dull  sailing,  and 
talked  of  selling  her  out  of  the  service.2 

Secretary  Stoddert  in  speaking  of  Captain  Nich 
olson  and  other  officers  in  a  letter  to  the  President, 
April  19,  1799,  says :  "  Barry  no  doubt  is  brave 
and  well  qualified  to  fight  a  single  ship.  Poor 
Nicholson  is  not  allowed  to  rank  so  high  in  the 
public  estimation.  Our  Navy  at  this  time,  when 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  125,  126. 

2  Barry,  pp.  375,  381,  382 ;  Brown,  pp.  163-165 ;  Columbian  Cen- 
tinel,  March  2,  April  10,  May  22,  1799 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  May  14, 
1799 ;  Salem  Gazette,  May  24,  1799 ;  Picketing,  vol.  xxii,  173,  194, 
206 ;  Letters  to  President,  26 ;  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  1, 3,  (May, 
15,  28,  1799) ;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  ii,  179. 


108         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

its  character  is  to  form,  ought  to  be  commanded 
by  men  who,  not  satisfied  with  escaping  censure, 
will  be  unhappy  if  they  do  not  receive  and  merit 
praise ;  by  men  who  have  talents  and  activity,  as 
well  as  spirit,  to  assist  a  judicious  arrangement  for 
the  employment  of  the  force  under  their  command, 
or  to  cure  the  defects  of  a  bad  one.  I  hope  and  be 
lieve  there  are  several  such  men  in  the  service."  i 

Commodore  Barry  sailed  for  home  late  in  April 
and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  May  9.2  Here  a  new 
crew  was  enlisted  for  the  United  States.  At  this 
early  day  naval  crews  were  enlisted  for  one  year 
only ; 3  probably  at  that  time  it  would  have  been 
difficult  to  get  good  men  to  enlist  for  a  longer 
period.  Some  people  had  feared  that  seamen  of  a 
good  class  would  shun  naval  service,  and  a  year 
before  the  war  Colonel  David  Humphreys,  United 
States  minister  to  Portugal,  had  suggested  to  the 
President  the  establishment  of  a  naval  militia,  to 
man  the  frigates  then  approaching  completion.4 
However,  with  the  short  term  of  enlistment  good 
men  were  obtained  without  trouble,  but  the  system 
was  apt  to  cause  inconvenience  and  embarrassment, 
especially  on  a  foreign  station.  The  policy  of  the 
department  as  to  enlistments  is  shown  in  the  sec 
retary's  letter  of  May  20  to  Barry:  "You  are 
allowed,  besides  officers  of  Marines  and  44  privates 
which  will  be  supplied  you  by  the  Major  of  the 

1  Letters  to  President,  26.        2  Barry,  p.  389. 

8  Nav.  Chron.  p.  338.  *  Adams  MSS.  (March  20,  1797). 


EVENTS  OF  1799  109 

Marine  Corps,  and  your  commissioned  and  petty 
officers,  the  latter  of  which  you  will  appoint,  not 
exceeding  300  men  and  boys  exclusive  of  marines. 
Of  this  number  you  will  recruit  not  exceeding  175 
able  seamen.  It  is  our  best  policy  to  create  sea 
men  ;  therefore  you  will  take  as  large  a  proportion 
of  boys  as  can  be  found  useful  on  board.  If  you 
increase  the  number  of  ordinary  seamen  and  boys 
you  will  consequently  lessen  the  number  of  able 
seamen,  and  I  think  it  will  be  found  for  the  good 
of  the  service  if  you  do  so.  You  will  allow  able 
seamen  17  dollars  per  month,  ordinary  seaman  and 
boys  from  5  to  14  dollars,  according  to  merit,  all 
to  be  entered  to  serve  one  year,  to  commence  from 
the  ship's  first  weighing  anchor  on  a  cruise.  You  will 
be  careful  not  to  enlist  any  but  sound  and  healthy 
persons,  and  that  no  indirect  or  forcible  means  be 
used  to  induce  them  to  enter  into  the  service. 
No  negroes  or  mulattoes  are  to  be  admitted,  and 
as  far  as  you  can  judge  you  will  exclude  all  of  a 
suspicious  character." 1  The  ship  was  refitted  and 
the  crew  enlisted  at  Chester,  under  the  charge  of 
Charles  Stewart,  who  was  now  first  lieutenant. 
Midshipmen  Somers  and  Decatur  were  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  lieutenant  just  at  this  time  and  re 
mained  with  the  ship,  Decatur  being  on  recruiting 
duty  in  Philadelphia.2 

June  29  Barry  received  orders  to  cruise  on  the 

1  Barry,  p.  391. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  393-396 ;  Decatur,  pp.  36,  37. 


110        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

southern  Atlantic  coast,  which  being  insufficiently 
protected,  had  begun  to  suffer  again  from  French 
cruisers.  He  sailed  about  July  1,  but  encountered 
no  French.  He  transported  to  Charleston  an  ar 
tillery  company  for  the  garrison  of  Fort  Moultrie. 
The  United  States  then  got  a  new  bowsprit  at 
Norfolk.  She  cruised  along  the  coast  several  weeks, 
part  of  the  time  in  company  with  the  George  Wash 
ington.  She  put  into  Newport  in  September,  and 
was  there  detained  several  weeks.  A  cruise  across 
the  Atlantic  had  been  planned  for  the  United 
States  and  had  been  given  up,  but  she  was  now  to 
go  on  a  peaceful  mission  instead.  In  October  Barry 
was  ordered  to  proceed  to  France  with  the  envoys 
recently  appointed  to  treat  with  the  French  Ke- 
public.  On  this  voyage  he  set  sail  in  December.1 

Captain  Murray  cruised  in  the  Montezuma  dur 
ing  the  winter  and  spring  of  1799.  He  captured 
one  small  prize,  and  was  employed  much  of  the 
time  in  convoying  merchantmen.  He  reported  that 
American  commerce  was  in  a  flourishing  condition. 
Having  contracted  yellow  fever,  Murray  returned 
to  the  United  States,  arriving  early  in  May.  On 
account  of  impaired  health  he  was  obliged  to  give 
up  the  command  of  his  ship.  Captain  Mullowny, 
who  had  been  a  lieutenant  on  the  United  States, 
was  appointed  to  command  the  Montezuma  and 

1  Barry,  pp.  395-403 ;  Decatur,  pp.  39, 40 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  138 ; 
Mass.  Mercury,  August  30, 1799 ;  Letters  to  President,  64  (August 
14, 1799). 


EVENTS  OF  1799  111 

was  soon  ordered  to  St.  Christopher.  The  Monte- 
zuma  continued  in  active  service  until  November, 
when  she  was  pronounced  unseaworthy  and  con 
demned.  Mullowny  was  transferred  to  the  Ganges, 
probably  soon  after  this.  The  Ganges  had  spent 
most  of  the  year  in  the  West  Indies,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Commodore  Tingey.  In  February,  1799, 
while  convoying  a  fleet  from  St.  Thomas,  she  fell 
in  with  a  British  frigate.  An  officer  of  the  Ganges 
gave  a  sensational  account  of  insolent  demands 
on  the  part  of  the  English  captain  firmly  resisted 
by  Tingey.  This  story  was  denied  by  Tingey,  who 
declared  that  the  Englishman  was  most  courteous 
and  friendly,  although  his  report  to  the  Navy  De 
partment  indicates  that  he  had  feared  trouble  and 
had  assured  his  men  that  he  was  determined  if 
necessary  to  resist  attempts  to  impress  any  of  his 
crew.  Tingey  was  the  ranking  officer  among  the 
Windward  Islands  after  the  departure  of  Barry 
and  Truxtun,  whose  squadrons  were  united,  form 
ing  what  was  thenceforth  called  the  Guadeloupe 
station.  Tingey  commanded  the  station  during  the 
summer,  and  had  under  him  at  various  times  the 
George  Washington,  Merrimack,  Baltimore,  Mon- 
tezuma,  Norfolk,  Eagle,  Richmond,  Pickering,  and 
Delaware.  During  the  year  the  Ganges  took  five 
prizes,  four  of  them  while  under  Tingey's  com 
mand.  * 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  134,  136,  183;  Mass.  Mercury,  March  29, 
June  21,  July  5, 23,  August  9,  1799;  Connecticut  Courant,  Febru- 


112        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

The  Merrimack,  Captain  Brown,  cruised  on  her 
station  during  March  and  April,  1799,  and  recap 
tured  the  American  prize  of  a  French  privateer. 
She  made  a  short  visit  to  Boston  in  May,  with  the 
Constitution,  returning  directly  to  the  West  Indies. 
In  June  she  captured  the  Magicienne,  a  French 
schooner  of  fourteen  guns.  This  vessel  turned  out 
to  be  the  Retaliation,  which  a  year  earlier  had  been 
captured  by  the  Delaware  under  the  name  of  Croy- 
able  and  had  later  been  recaptured  by  the  French 
and  her  name  changed  again.  She  was  sent  to  the 
United  States  with  prisoners.  Of  this  vessel  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  said,  six  months  later :  "  The 
Magicienne,  late  the  Retaliation,  being  a  national 
vessel  when  captured  by  the  Merrimack,  became 
the  property  of  the  United  States,  and  a  bounty  of 
40  dollars  for  each  man  and  50  dollars  for  each 
gun  taken  on  board  is  due  to  the  captors."  1  In 
August  the  Merrimack  took  the  Bonaparte  of  eight 
guns.  She  also  recaptured  two  or  three  prizes.  After 
spending  the  rest  of  the  year  in  active  cruising,  she 
returned  home  in  December.2 

The  frigate  General  Greene,  28,  built  in  Rhode 

ary  25,  March  4,  18,  25,  November  18,  1799;  Nov.  Inst.  March, 
1907,  p.  121 ;  Letters  to  President,  32,  36,  37,  64  (May  13,  25,  Au 
gust  14,  1799) ;  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  5. 

1  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  iii,  87  (December  28,  1799).  The  identity  of 
these  vessels  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
time. 

2  Brown,  ch.  xv,  xvi ;  Mass.  Mercury,  August  9, 16, 20, 23,  Sep 
tember  17,  1799 ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  July  27,  1799 ;  Letters  to  Presi 
dent,  34,  64. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  113 

Island  and  commanded  by  Captain  Christopher 
Raymond  Perry,  sailed  for  Havana  about  the  first 
of  June.  Among  the  midshipmen  was  the  captain's 
son,  the  future  hero  of  Lake  Erie.  Captain  Perry 
was  instructed  to  give  attention  to  a  nest  of  pirates 
on  the  north  coast  of  Cuba.  The  governor  of  Cuba 
was  very  friendly.  Earlier  in  the  year  this  station 
had  been  in  charge  of  Captain  Decatur  with  the 
Delaware  and  two  revenue  cutters.  The  Delaware 
had  captured  a  French  privateer  in  March.  The 
General  Greene,  after  serving  several  weeks  in 
Cuban  waters  and  having  yellow  fever  on  board, 
returned  to  Newport  with  a  convoy  of  fifty  mer 
chantmen,  arriving  July  30.  There  were  twenty 
deaths  from  the  fever,  and  the  ship  remained  north 
until  the  health  of  the  crew  was  restored.  She  re 
turned  to  Havana  in  September,  but  soon  after  was 
transferred  to  the  San  Domingo  station.1 

San  Domingo  depended  on  the  continent  for  sup 
plies,  and  the  interruption  of  American  trade  by 
the  non-intercourse  act  of  June  13, 1798,  had  been 
severely  felt  on  the  island.  In  November  Toussaint 
L'Ouverture  sent  an  agent  to  Philadelphia  with  a 
letter  to  the  President  on  the  subject.  The  admin 
istration  was  interested,  and  in  January,  1799,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  wrote  to  Commodore  Barry : 
"  It  is  very  much  the  wish  of  the  President  that 

1  Perry,  vol.  i,  pp.  39-41 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  April  2,  5,  June  7, 
August  2,  1799 ;  Pickering,  rol.  xi,  499 ;  Letters  to  President,  28, 
34  (April  30,  May  23, 1799) ;  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  3,  5  (May 
28,  29, 1799). 


114        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

you  should  take  some  occasion,  before  your  return, 
to  show  yourself  with  the  greater  part  of  your  fleet 
at  Cape  Fra^ois  to  Genl.  Toussaint,  who  has  a 
great  desire  to  see  some  ships  of  war  belonging  to 
America,  but  it  is  not  intended  that  you  sacrifice 
any  important  object  to  gratify  this  General,  with 
whom,  however,  if  it  should  fall  in  your  way,  it 
may  be  well  for  you  to  cultivate  a  good  understand 
ing."  l  March  4  the  Secretary  of  State  wrote  to  Tous 
saint  prescribing  the  suppression  of  privateering 
as  the  sole  condition  of  the  renewal  of  trade  with 
San  Domingo.2  April  25  the  agent  of  the  Directory 
issued  a  decree  regulating  privateering  in  San  Do 
mingo,3  but  this  did  not  go  far  enough.  By  a  secret 
convention  of  June  13  Toussaint  agreed  with  a 
British  envoy,  General  Maitland,  to  suppress  pri 
vateering  and  to  open  to  American  and  British 
trade  the  ports  of  Cape  Francois  (Cap  Haitien) 
and  Port  Republican!  (Port  au  Prince).4  The 
American  consul-general,  Dr.  Edward  Stevens,  was 
not  a  party  to  this  compact,  but  had  great  influ 
ence  in  the  negotiations.  Captain  Fletcher  in  the 
George  Washington  was  sent  to  San  Domingo  and 
instructed,  June  25,  to  cultivate  amicable  relations 
with  Toussaint.  In  accordance  with  these  pro 
ceedings  President  Adams  issued  a  proclamation, 
dated  June  26,  remitting,  as  to  San  Domingo  and 

1  Barry,  p.  376 ;  see,  also,  pp.  382,  397. 

2  Pickering,  vol.  x,  440.  *  Mass.  Mercury,  June  4,  1799. 
4  Pickering,  vol.  xi,  269,  270. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  115 

after  August  1,  the  restraints  of  the  act  of  Feb 
ruary  9,  1799,  which  prohibited  all  trade  with 
France  and  her  dependencies.1  In  the  fall  the 
General  Greene  was  employed  in  protecting  Ameri 
can  commerce  and  in  support  of  Toussaint's  efforts 
to  maintain  order.  Commodore  Talbot  in  the  Con 
stitution  came  a  little  later  and  took  command  of 
the  station.2 

The  authority  of  Toussaint  in  San  Domingo  was 
disputed  by  the  mulatto  chieftain  Rigaud,  who  held 
the  southwestern  part  of  the  island,  except  Port 
Republicain,  with  the  small  island  of  Gonaive.  He 
carried  on  actively  a  piratical  form  of  warfare  in 
the  waters  of  that  region.  In  the  Gulf  of  Gonaive, 
then  known  as  the  Bight  of  Leogane,  the  vessels  em 
ployed  were  large  barges  manned  by  crews  of  about 
forty  men  and  armed  with  two  or  three  swivels. 
They  would  lie  in  wait  for  their  prey  by  the  shore, 
and  when  unsuspecting  vessels  appeared  would 
put  out  from  their  hiding-places  and  attack  them. 
When  becalmed,  vessels  even  of  considerable  force 
had  little  chance  of  escape.  They  were  taken  by 
their  captors  into  one  of  the  ports  controlled  by 
Rigaud,  their  crews  having  generally  been  mur 
dered.  Trade  with  Port  Republicain  was  beset  with 
difficulty  and  danger  through  the  operations  of 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  134 ;  St  Pap.  vol.  iv,  p.  290. 

2  Adams,  History  of  the   United  States,  vol.  i,  ch.  xv ;  Perry, 
vol.  i,  pp.  41-43 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  June  28,  December  17,  20, 1799, 
January  10,  February  11,  1800;  Pickering,  vol.  xi,  198,  227,  vol. 
xii,  310,  315 ;  Letters  to  President,  74  (September  23,  1799). 


116        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

these  picaroons.  In  June,  1799,  Rigaud  issued  an 
address  in  which  he  complained  of  his  treatment  at 
the  hands  of  Toussaint  and  declared  his  loyalty  to 
the  French  Republic.1 

The  frigate  Boston  was  launched  from  the  Conti 
nental  Ship  Yard  at  the  North  End,  May  20, 1799. 
She  was  built  with  money  advanced  by  the  citizens 
of  her  native  town  under  the  act  of  June  30, 1798. 
She  was  rated  as  a  twenty-eight,  and  was  consid 
ered  a  fine  ship.  Since  1775  there  have  been  five 
vessels  of  this  name  in  the  naval  service.  Captain 
George  Little,  who  had  served  in  Massachusetts 
cruisers  in  the  Revolution,  was  put  in  command  of 
the  Boston.  She  sailed  July  24,  under  orders  to 
proceed  to  Cape  Francois  and  from  there  cruise  on 
the  northern  side  of  San  Domingo,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  greatly  increased  trade  which  was  anti 
cipated  from  the  opening  of  the  ports.  The  Boston 
cruised  in  these  waters,  cooperating  with  the  other 
vessels  of  the  San  Domingo  squadron,  during  the 
rest  of  the  year.  December  2,  being  in  company 
with  the  General  Greene,  the  Boston  captured  the 
\  Danish  brig  Flying  Fish,  bound  from  Jeremie,  one 
of  the  ports  under  Rigaud's  jurisdiction,  to  St. 
Thomas.  Although  under  the  Danish  flag  her  pa 
pers  were  irregular,  and  Captain  Little,  suspecting 
her  or  her  cargo  to  be  American  property,  sent  her 
to  Boston  for  adjudication.  He  acted  under  the 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  August  13, 23,  October  22,  November  19, 1799  ; 
Gazette  of  U.  S.  January  18,  1800. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  117 

orders  of  the  Navy  Department  of  March  12, 1799, 
which  say :  "  You  are  to  be  vigilant  that  vessels  or 
cargoes  really  American,  but  covered  by  Danish  or 
other  foreign  papers,  and  bound  to  or  from  French 
ports,  do  not  escape  you."  This  general  order  was 
based  on  the  non-intercourse  act  of  February  9, 
which  says :  "If  upon  examination  it  shall  appear 
that  such  ship  or  vessel  is  bound  or  sailing  to  any 
port  or  place  within  the  territory  of  the  French 
Republic  or  her  dependencies,  contrary  to  the 
intent  of  this  act,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  com 
mander  of  such  public  armed  vessel  to  seize  every 
ship  or  vessel  engaged  in  such  illicit  commerce." 
The  Flying  Fish  was  bound  from,  not  to,  a  French 
port  and  was  therefore  an  illegal  capture  ;  so  that 
Little,  for  violating  the  law  while  obeying  the  orders 
of  his  superiors,  was  held  by  the  Supreme  Court  to 
be  liable  for  damages.1 

The  conduct  of  Lieutenant  Bainbridge  at  Guade 
loupe  after  the  loss  of  the  Retaliation  was  approved 
by  the  government.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  master  commandant,  and  given  command  of  the 
brig  Norfolk.  She  was  ordered,  April  15,  1799,  to 
St.  Christopher  to  join  Truxtun's  squadron.  About 
June  1  she  carried  away  both  topmasts  while  chas 
ing  a  schooner  among  the  Leeward  Islands.  After 

1  Cranck,  vol.  ii,  p.  170 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  125 ;  Statutes  at  Large, 
vol.  i,p.  613 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  May  21,  September  17,  1799,  Janu 
ary  7,  1800 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  July  27, 1799 ;  Letter  Book  (1799- 
1807),  15,  Stoddert  to  Little  (July  2,  1799) ;  Letters  to  Presi 
dent,  74  (September  23,  1799). 


118        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

repairing  damages  she  sailed  for  the  United  States 
accompanied  by  the  Magicienne,  recently  captured 
by  the  Merrimack.  They  took  with  them  from  St. 
Thomas  a  convoy  of  over  a  hundred  merchant 
men.  In  his  journal,  dated  Lat.  25°  40'  N.,  Long. 
67°  15'  W.,  August  4,  1799,  Bainbridge  says: 
"  Part  of  the  fleet  bound  to  the  southward  and  some 
of  the  fast  sailing  bound  to  the  northward  left  us 
last  evening.  At  meridian  counted  84  sail,  at  1  p.  M. 
discovered  a  strange  sail  bearing  north;  we  imme 
diately  gave  chase  and  prepared  for  action ;  at  half- 
past  1  saw  she  was  a  large  ship  standing  for  the  fleet ; 
at  2  P.  M.  made  the  British  private  signal  of  the  day 
and  it  was  not  answered.  I  then  fired  a  gun  to  lee 
ward  and  showed  my  colors;  she  hoisted  English 
colors  but  fired  no  gun,  tacked  and  gave  chase  to  us 
under  full  sail.  At  half-past  2  made  the  American 
private  signal  of  the  day,  also  repeated  the  English 
signals — neither  of  them  was  answered.  By  this 
time  we  could  distinguish  her  hull  very  plain  and 
saw  that  she  was  a  large  frigate  with  a  poop,  sailed 
very  fast  and  gained  on  us  considerably.  At  3  P.  M., 
the  breeze  being  very  light,  she  hove  out  her  boat 
with  sails  and  sent  her  in  chase  of  the  fleet,  while 
she  still  continued  chasing  us — from  this,  as  well 
as  other  circumstances,  left  no  doubt  in  my  mind  or 
my  officers  but  what  she  was  a  French  ship  of  at 
least  44  guns;  thought  it  highly  necessary  to  dis 
perse  the  fleet.  At  half  past  three  made  the  signal 
for  them  to  tack,  with  an  intention  of  separating 


EVENTS  OF  1799  119 

myself  from  the  fleet,  with  a  view  if  she  continued 
her  chase  of  the  Norfolk,  it  should  prove  the  means 
of  saving  the  fleet,  and  if  she  chased  the  fleet,  the 
Norfolk  might  get  clear;  and  her  being  captured 
would  have  assisted  in  capturing  numbers  of  the 
fleet;  and  as  I  could  not  render  them  protection 
against  a  frigate,  I  conceived  it  prudent  to  act  in 
this  manner.  Part  of  the  fleet  obeying  the  signal, 
the  remainder  continued  their  course  to  the  north 
ward.  At  4  p.  M.  made  the  signal  for  the  fleet  to 
disperse,  set  all  our  canvas,  yet  still  she  gained 
upon  us.  At  6  P.  M.,  being  so  near  as  to  distinguish 
her  ports,  repeated  both  the  American  and  English 
private  signals,  to  which  she  paid  no  respect,  but 
continued  her  chase.  At  7  P.M.  she  had  got  such 
a  distance  from  her  boat  that  she  gave  up  the  chase 
after  us,  took  in  her  light  sails  and  hauled  her  wind. 
Her  boat  being  a  considerable  distance  from  her  and 
a  squally  night  following,  I  am  induced  to  believe 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  escaped.  At  5  A.  M. 
saw  several  sail  astern,  hove  to  and  made  a  signal 
to  close.  At  8  A.  M.  had  got  48  sail  together.  Aug. 
8,  lat.  34,  25,  long.  70,  45,  was  spoken  schooner 
Peggy,  the  Captain  of  which  informed  he  had  seen 
12  of  the  fleet  from  St.  Thomas  captured  and  seem 
ingly  sent  away  for  Porto  Eico."  l  Later  it  was  re 
ported  "that  the  ship  which  caused  the  dispersion 
of  the  fleet  under  the  Norfolk  was  an  English  74, 
and  that  her  boats  were  out  in  chase  of  a  Danish 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  August  23,  1799. 


120        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

schooner." l  Probably  this  was  a  mere  rumor;  it  does 
not  seem  likely  that  Bainbridge  could  have  mistaken 
a  seventy-four  for  a  frigate  when  so  near  as  to  dis 
tinguish  her  ports.  The  Norfolk  proceeded  to  New 
York,  where  she  was  refitted.  She  sailed  for  Cape 
Fransois  in  September,  and  joined  the  San  Do 
mingo  squadron.  Here  she  shared  with  the  General 
Greene  and  other  cruisers  the  work  connected  with 
the  opening  of  the  ports,  and  Bainbridge  had  two 
or  three  interviews  with  Toussaint.  In  November 
a  French  lugger  was  captured  with  her  prize,  a  sloop 
which  she  had  just  taken  from  barge  pirates  who 
had  murdered  her  crew.  Soon  after  this  the  Nor 
folk  received  orders,  apparently  delayed,  assigning 
her  to  the  Havana  station,  where  there  were  two 
other  vessels,  the  Warren  and  Pinckney,  and  Bain 
bridge  was  senior  officer.  She  remained  on  this  sta 
tion  until  March,  1800.2 

A  few  weeks  after  her  return  to  the  United  States 
in  May,  1799,  the  Constellation  was  sent  to  New 
York  to  exchange  her  deck  gun  battery  of  twenty- 
four  pounders  for  eighteens  ;  the  twenty-fours  had 
been  found  too  heavy  for  her.  It  must  have  been  at 
the  same  time  that  her  twelves  on  the  spar  deck 
were  replaced  by  twenty-four  pounder  carronades. 
Soon  after  this  the  question  of  rank  between  Talbot 
and  Truxtun  having  been  decided  against  the  latter, 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  September  3, 1799. 

2  Bainbridge,  pp.  36-42 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  130,  137 ;  Mass.  Mer 
cury,  April  12,  July  5,  9,  August  16,  20,  December  3,  17,  1799; 
Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  5;  Letters  to  President,  64. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  121 

he  resigned. l  Captain  Samuel  Barren  was  appointed 
to  command  the  Constellation;  he  had  had  the 
Baltimore  since  the  dismissal  of  Captain  Phillips. 
August  15  Truxtun  wrote  to  a  friend :  "  You  no 
doubt  know  that  I  have  resigned  my  commission 
in  the  navy  and  the  cause  of  my  having  done  so. 
The  secretary  has,  however,  returned  it  to  me  with 
a  request  that  I  will  proceed  after  the  French  44 
gun  frigate  seen  by  the  Norfolk,  in  the  event  of 
Capt.  Barren's  not  arriving  before  the  ship  is  ready 
for  sea ;  and  this  I  have  consented  to  do  —  for  no 
personal  injury  which  I  feel  will  ever  make  me  less 
zealous  in  punishing  the  insults  and  wrongs  done  to 
my  country,  whenever  an  opportunity  of  this  sort 
presents  itself."  2  Barron  was  in  Norfolk  when  ap 
pointed,  but  he  arrived  in  New  York  before  the  ship 
was  ready  for  sea,  and  took  command.  He  soon  got 
away  in  search  of  the  French  frigate,  but  did  not 
find  her.  He  then  cruised  along  the  southern  coast 
until  late  in  November,  when  he  went  into  Hamp 
ton  Roads.  The  President  would  not  accept  Trux- 
tun's  resignation,  and  in  December  he  returned  to 
duty  and  to  his  old  ship,  which  he  sailed  back  to 
the  West  Indies,  where  he  took  command  of  the 
Guadeloupe  station.  Barron  was  transferred  to  the 
Chesapeake,  36,  and  got  her  ready  to  go  into  com 
mission.  She  was  one  of  the  1794  frigates,  and  had 
been  launched  November  28  at  Norfolk.3 

i  See  above,  pp.  49,  50.  2  Gazette  of  U.  S.  August  19,  1799. 
8  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  136,  137 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  July  5,  9,  August 


122        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

The  Constitution,  after  her  return  from  the 
West  Indies  in  the  spring  of  1799,  remained  in 
Boston  over  two  months.  Captain  Talbot  was  ap 
pointed  to  command  her.  He  proceeded  to  Boston 
and  took  charge  of  the  ship  June  4,  but  later  de 
clined  to  serve,  on  account  of  the  uncertainty  as  to 
his  rank.  After  months  of  discussion  this  ques 
tion  was  at  last  definitely  settled  by  the  President, 
who  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  July  23 
that  Talbot  was  to  "  take  rank  from  the  day  of  his 
appointment  as  a  captain  in  the  navy,  in  1794," 
and  that  these  words  were  to  be  inserted  in  his 
commission ;  Stoddert  replied :  "  The  alteration 
directed  shall  be  made  in  the  register  of  Captain 
Talbot's  commission."  *  Talbot  then  resumed  com 
mand  of  the  ship ;  Isaac  Hull  was  his  first  lieuten 
ant.  Secretary  Stoddert  had  long  cherished  a  plan 
for  carrying  the  war  into  European  waters.  May 
10  he  wrote  to  the  President :  "  I  have  sometimes 
thought  that  if  the  French  do  not  very  soon  give 
some  decisive  proof  of  their  desire  to  conciliate  with 
us,  that  some  of  our  fast  sailing  vessels  might  be 
employed  to  advantage,  during  the  hurricane  season 
in  the  West  Indies,  in  a  cruise  on  the  coast  of  Spain 
and  France,  to  sweep  from  about  Cape  Finisterre 
to  Nantz,  and  to  return  with  their  prizes  without 

30,  November  12,  December  3,  17,  1799 ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  Au 
gust  30,  1799 ;  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  10, 18,  Stoddert  to  Presi 
dent  (June  25,  1799),  to  Truxtun  (August  13,  1799) ;  Letters  to 
President,  64  (August  14,  1799). 
1  Adams,  vol.  viii,  pp.  674,  675. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  123 

remaining  long  enough  to  attract  the  attention  of 
superior  force.  This  would  in  fact  be  giving  more 
real  protection  to  the  trade  to  Spain  than  to  con 
voy  at  a  particular  season  a  few  vessels.  A  convoy, 
to  be  useful,  must  be  known  generally  to  the  mer 
chants  five  or  six  weeks  before  it  could  sail.  The 
French  would  probably  hear  of  it  before  it  arrived 
in  Europe  and  might  be  prepared  for  it."  1  In  a 
letter  of  June  25  this  scheme  was  elaborated,  and 
the  secretary  proposed  to  send  the  United  States 
and  Constitution  "  to  Cape  Clear,  the  western  point 
of  Ireland,  there  across  the  English  Channel  to 
strike  the  French  coast  south  of  Brest,  to  cruise 
along  the  French  coast  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  the 
Spanish  coast  and  the  coast  of  Portugal,  but  not 
to  remain  long  on  these  coasts,  thence  homeward, 
taking  in  their  way  the  Western  Islands  [and] 
Cayenne,"  so  as  to  "  be  in  the  West  Indies  quite  as 
soon  as  it  will  be  safe  for  them  to  be  there  on  ac 
count  of  the  hurricanes."  2  The  Constitution  did  not 
get  away  from  Boston  until  July  23,  however,  and 
it  became  apparent  that  the  cruise  could  not  be 
made  so  as  to  bring  the  frigates  in  good  time  to  the 
West  Indies,  "  where  they  may  be  employed  in  pur 
suit  of  an  object  attainable  and  of  the  highest  im 
portance  —  the  security  of  our  trade  to  the  Islands 
and  to  Spanish  and  Dutch  America.  Indeed,  my 
impression  of  the  vast  importance  of  securing  the 
West  Indies  trade  now  and  laying  a  good  founda- 
1  Letters  to  President,  31.  2  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  10. 


124         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

tion  for  it  in  future  is  so  strong  that  I  almost 
consider  it  treason  against  the  true  interest  of  the 
country  to  employ  a  vessel  elsewhere  which  can  be 
employed  in  the  West  Indies,  while  a  single  French 
armed  vessel  remains  to  infest  those  seas."  *  It  was 
next  proposed  to  carry  the  cruise  no  farther  than 
the  Azores,  Madeira,  and  Teneriffe,  returning  to  the 
West  Indies  by  way  of  Cayenne  and  Surinam  in 
October.  Then  the  plan,  as  far  at  least  as  it  con 
cerned  these  vessels,  was  abandoned.  Moreover,  the 
President  deemed  it  inexpedient  that  Barry  and 
Talbot  should  cruise  together,  believing  it  better  to 
keep  the  large  frigates  on  separate  stations.2 

It  has  already  been  related  that  the  United 
States  remained  in  home  waters  until  she  went 
abroad  with  the  ministers  to  the  French  Republic. 
The  first  port  made  by  the  Constitution  after  leav 
ing  Boston  was  Norfolk.  There  she  found  orders 
of  July  27  dispatching  her  to  Cayenne,  to  cruise 
in  that  vicinity  until  about  September  20,  thence 
to  proceed  by  way  of  Surinam  and  Guadeloupe  to 
Cape  Francois,  where  Talbot  was  to  take  command 
of  the  San  Domingo  station.  It  is  not  certain  how 
closely  these  orders  were  followed.  August  15  the 
Constitution  was  still  in  the  vicinity  of  Norfolk. 
September  15,  probably  somewhere  to  the  eastward 

1  Letters  to  President,  57  (July  29,  1799). 

2  Adams,  vol.  ix,  pp.  8,  9,  12  ;  Barry,  pp.  396,  397  ;  Columbian 
Centinel,  May  22,  June   5,  July  24,   1799;   Letter  Book   (1799- 
1807),  1,  3  (May  15,  28,  1799) ;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  ii,  179  (June  15, 
1799) ;  Letters  to  President,  5  (July  12,  1799). 


EVENTS  OF  1799  125 

of  the  West  Indies,  she  recaptured  and  sent  into 
New  York  a  Hamburg  vessel  bound  home  from 
Calcutta,  which  had  been  captured  by  the  French 
ten  days  before  and  was  being  taken  to  San  Do 
mingo.  In  October  Commodore  Talbot  arrived  on 
his  station  and  took  command  of  the  squadron. 
While  on  this  station  it  is  said  that  the  Constitu 
tion  in  a  race  with  an  English  frigate  left  her 
competitor  far  behind,  giving  an  exhibition  of  the 
speed  which,  three  times  in  the  War  of  1812,  led 
her  safely  away  from  pursuing  British  squadrons.1 
The  Portsmouth,  Captain  McNeill,  cruised  ac 
tively  nearly  all  the  year  1799,  most  of  the  time 
off  the  coast  of  the  Dutch  colony  of  Surinam,  and 
occasionally  convoying  merchantmen  to  or  on  the 
way  to  the  United  States.  The  Scammel  was  with 
her  on  the  Surinam  station  through  the  sum 
mer  and  early  fall,  and  later  the  Maryland  and 
John  Adams,  but  the  later  remained  a  short  time 
only.  In  July  McNeill  learned  that  the  French 
ship  Hussar,  of  twenty  guns,  which  had  taken 
several  rich  prizes,  was  lying  in  the  Surinam 
River,  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  get  away. 
The  mouth  of  the  river  was  blockaded  by  the 
Portsmouth  and  Scammel  about  a  month,  and 
then  the  Hussar  surrendered.  Just  at  that  time, 
August  12,  a  large  English  fleet  appeared  and  de- 

1  Nav.  Ckron.  p.  136 ;  Bainbridge,  p.  38 ;  Cranch,  vol.  i,  p.  1  ; 
Mass.  Mercury,  August  30,  November  12,  22,  1799 ;  Putnam's 
Magazine,  May  1853,  p.  476 ;  Pickering,  vol.  xlii,  217 ;  Letters  to 
President,  64  (August  14,  1799). 


126        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

manded  the  surrender  of  Surinam.  The  governor 
capitulated  and  the  English  took  possession.  The 
English  admiral  treated  McNeill  civilly  and  was 
friendly  to  American  interests.  By  an  agreement 
between  them  the  Hussar  was  given  up  to  the 
British.1 

Secretary  Stoddert's  scheme  of  a  European 
cruise  was  carried  out  in  a  partial  and  modified 
form  by  the  Insurgente.  This  frigate  had  been 
taken  into  the  service  and  Captain  Murray,  having 
recovered  his  health,  had  been  appointed  to  com 
mand  her.  The  Insurgente  took  her  departure 
from  Cape  Henry  August  14,  1799,  arrived  off 
the  Azores  September  1,  and  at  Lisbon  on  the 
13th,  where  she  remained  four  days.  While  there 
Murray  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy :  "I 
had  thirty  days'  passage  to  this  port,  but  could  have 
been  here  in  three  weeks  but  for  chasing  every 
thing  we  saw,  all  of  which  we  overhauled  except 
one  vessel  which  we  lost  sight  of  in  the  night. 
Since  passing  the  Azores  we  have  boarded  30 
vessels  of  different  nations,  but  the  greater  part 
British,  and  met  with  but  one  ship  of  war,  from 
whence  you  may  judge  of  the  unprotected  state  of 
their  trade  as  well  as  our  own  in  those  seas.  I 
am  told  here  that  vast  numbers  of  corvettes  and 
privateers  have  issued  from  the  ports  in  France 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  May  3,  June  21,  August  13,  27,  September 
27,  October  18,  1799,  January  3,  1800 ;  Letters  to  Presided,  34, 
57,  74 ;  Letter  Book  (1799-1807),  5 ;  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  ii,  179. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  127 

since  the  fleets  got  into  Brest.  I  hope  we  shall  be 
able  to  give  a  good  account  of  some  of  them." 
September  24  the  Insurgent e  was  in  Gibraltar  Bay, 
having  touched  at  Cadiz,  and  lay  off  Algeciras 
until  the  30th.  "  The  wind  then  favoring  us,  we 
made  sail  in  company  of  a  large  fleet  and  cruised 
off  Cape  Spartel  two  days,"  thence  recrossed  the 
Atlantic  by  way  of  Madeira  and  Teneriffe,  and  ar 
rived  off  Cayenne  October  30.  During  the  passage 
from  Teneriffe  Murray  "  never  saw  a  vessel  till  we 
got  on  the  coast."  He  wrote  to  the  secretary  No 
vember  9 :  "  Had  I  not  been  fearful  of  extending 
the  privilege  you  gave  me  too  far,  I  should  have 
extended  my  cruise  a  little  longer  on  the  European 
coast  and  have  tried  my  fortune  in  the  Bay  of  Bis 
cay,  which  is  now  the  only  field  for  glory."  After 
a  short  stay  off  the  mouth  of  the  Cayenne  River, 
Murray  "resolved  to  bear  away  for  Surinam," 
where  he  fell  in  with  the  Maryland  and  learned  of 
the  capture  of  that  place.  As  it  was  evident  that 
nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  remaining  on  that 
coast,  and  as  he  had  much  sickness  on  board  and 
was  in  need  of  supplies,  Murray  proceeded  to  Bar- 
badoes.  November  14  he  wrote :  "  On  the  12th  I 
fell  in  with  the  Adams  in  sight  of  Deseada,  and 
hearing  that  two  French  frigates  were  expected  at 
Guadaloupe  every  day,  we  determined  to  cruise  to 
gether  for  some  days.  This  day  at  5  A.  M.  dis 
covered  two  sail  to  windward,  to  which  we  gave 
chase ;  the  Adams  after  the  one  to  windward  and 


128        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  Insurgents  after  the  other,  which  we  soon  over 
hauled.  She  proved  to  be  an  English  brig  of  14 
guns,  captured  yesterday  by  a  French  privateer, 
the  one  which  the  Adams  is  now  pursuing.  She  is 
gaining  upon  her  fast.  The  brig  had  21  French 
men  on  board  and  five  of  her  former  crew,  includ 
ing  two  gentlemen  passengers  very  badly  wounded. 
I  dispatch  her  instantly  for  Martinico  on  account 
of  the  wounded  and  before  I  can  inform  you  of  the 
result  of  the  chase  by  the  Adams."  The  Adams, 
Captain  Morris,  captured  the  privateer  soon  after 
wards.  They  did  not  have  the  good  fortune  to  fall  in 
with  the  French  frigates  which  were  reported  to  be 
in  those  waters.  Having  taken  over  fifty  prisoners, 
they  exchanged  them  for  Americans  at  Guadeloupe. 
Desfourneaux  had  recently  been  superseded  as  gov 
ernor  of  Guadeloupe  by  General  Paris.  There  were 
said  to  be  two  hundred  American  prisoners  there, 
and  Murray  says,  November  27,  "  These  seas  swarm 
with  small  privateers,  which  has  determined  me  to 
pass  the  remainder  of  my  cruise  on  this  station, 
which  at  this  time  is  very  much  unguarded."  He 
fell  in  with  the  Baltimore,  Pickering,  and  Con 
necticut,  and  saw  a  large  French  frigate,  probably 
the  Vengeance,  at  anchor  at  Guadeloupe.  The  In- 
surgente  chased  a  ship  and  lost  sight  of  her  in  the 
night  and,  except  for  the  recapture  of  a  valuable 
American  vessel,  accomplished  little.  In  December 
her  foremast  was  found  to  be  much  decayed,  and  she 
put  into  St.  Christopher  and  afterwards  into  An- 


EVENTS   OF  1799  129 

tigua  for  repairs.  Murray  was  much  disappointed 
with  the  results  of  the  cruise  up  to  this  time.1 

In  regard  to  prisoners,  the  President  had  modi 
fied  his  views  before  this  time  and  had  written  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  August  5  :  "  There  is 
one  alteration  in  our  policy  which  appears  to  me 
indispensable.  Instead  of  sending  the  prisoners 
which  we  take  back  into  Guadaloupe,  there  to  em 
bark  again  in  the  first  privateer,  we  must  send  them 
all  to  the  United  States  or  allow  them  to  work  and 
fight  on  board  our  ships.  At  least,  if  they  are  re 
turned,  their  written  parole  ought  to  be  taken  that 
they  will  not  serve  until  exchanged."  2 

The  Connecticut,  24,  Captain  Tryon,  was  or 
dered  in  September  to  Porto  Rico,  and  arrived  off 
the  island  October  27.  She  cruised  a  month  there 
abouts  and  then  proceeded  to  St.  Christopher, 
where  she  arrived  December  15.  The  squadron  was 
then  commanded  by  Captain  Morris.  An  officer  of 
the  Connecticut  says :  "  We  .  .  .  left  there  imme 
diately  for  the  island  of  Guadaloupe,  and  on  the 
29th  of  the  same  month,  off  that  island,  captured 
the  copper  bottomed  French  privateer  brig  L' Italic 
Conqueste,  of  12  guns  and  pierced  for  18."  Mor 
ris,  in  reporting  the  capture,  said  that  "  she  struck 

1  Nav.  Ckron.  p.  137 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  November  15,  Murray  to 
Stoddert  (September  16,  1799),  November  26,  1799,  January  3, 
Murray  to  Stoddert  (November  14,  1799),  January  7,  1800;  Let 
ters  to  President,  64 ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  27,  32,  36  (November 
9,  27,  1799,  January  3,  1800). 

2  Adams,  vol.  ix,  p.  9. 


130        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

after  receiving  the  second  broadside,  which  carried 
away  her  main-topmast,  stove  her  boat,  and  wounded 
her  captain  and  two  of  the  men,  [one  of  them] 
mortally."  This  privateer  had  done  great  injury  to 
American  commerce.  The  Connecticut  also  recap 
tured  two  American  vessels  and  ran  a  valuable 
French  ship  on  shore.1 

December  20  the  Baltimore,  Captain  Cowper, 
captured  the  French  brig  Esperance  off  Guade 
loupe.  Midshipman  Mercer  of  the  Baltimore  after 
wards  asserted  that  this  brig  was  unarmed,  and  that 
before  sending  a  prize  crew  aboard  her,  arms  had 
been  put  aboard,  so  that  the  prize  master  could 
swear  that  he  had  found  arms  on  her  when  he  took 
possession.  The  Esperance  was  then  sent  into  port 
and  condemned.  It  was  said  that  this  was  a  device 
sometimes  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  insuring 
the  condemnation  of  prizes  and  the  award  of  prize 
money,  contrary  to  the  laws  which  forbade  the  cap 
ture  of  unarmed  vessels.  Even  if  this  story  of  the 
Esperance  was  true,  however,  it  seems  probable 
that  it  must  have  been  very  exceptional,  for  it  is 
hardly  conceivable  that  many  vessels  navigated 
West  Indian  waters  in  those  troublous  times  en 
tirely  unprepared  to  defend  themselves.2 

Two  new  frigates  were  put  into  commission  late 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  137 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  March  5,  Augnist  13, 
1800 ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  February  14, 1800 ;  Conn.  Courant,  July  28, 
1800. 

2  Conn.  Journal,  January  30, 1800 ;  Adams  MSS.  L.  G.  Tucker 
to  President  Adams  (October  5,  1800). 


EVENTS  OF  1799  131 

in  1799,  the  Congress,  36,  and  the  Essex,  32.  The 
Congress  was  one  of  the  six  frigates  authorized  in 
1794,  and  was  built  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp 
shire  ;  she  was  commanded  by  Captain  James  Sever. 
Of  this  officer  it  was  said  by  Stephen  Higginson, 
the  navy  agent  at  Boston :  "  Sever  will  be  an  ex 
cellent  naval  commander;  he  is  a  cool,  firm,  dis 
creet,  gentlemanlike  man,  who  feels  and  conducts 
with  dignity  and  zeal  proper  to  his  station ;  he  is 
remarkable  for  discipline  and  regularity."  *  Charles 
Morris,  a  midshipman  on  the  Congress  at  this  time, 
says :  "  Captain  Sever  had  held  a  subaltern's  com 
mission  in  the  army  for  a  year  or  two  before  the 
close  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  where  he  had 
acquired  some  knowledge  of  military  discipline. 
He  had  afterwards  made  several  voyages  to  Eu 
rope,  in  most  of  them  as  master  of  vessels  belong 
ing  to  his  relatives.  He  had  also  made  one  or  two 
cruises  in  the  sloop  Herald  before  he  was  appointed 
to  the  Congress.  He  was  well  educated,  very  aus 
tere  and  distant  in  his  manner,  not  very  amiable 
in  temper,  rigid  in  his  discipline,  and  very  punctil 
ious  in  all  matters  of  military  etiquette.  I  believe 
he  was  rather  deficient  in  seamanship,  but  remark 
able  coolness  and  self-possession  in  trying  situations 
enabled  him  to  decide  and  direct  what  was  proper 
to  be  done  better  than  most  of  his  officers  who  bet 
ter  understood  their  profession  practically."  The 
Essex  was  built  by  private  subscription  at  Salem, 
1  Life  of  Stephen  Higginson  (Boston,  1907),  p.  210. 


132        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

under  the  act  of  June  30,  1798,  and  was  launched 
September  30,  1799.  She  was  commanded  by  Ed 
ward  Preble,  who  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  captain  in  May.  In  December  the  Congress 
and  Essex  were  ordered  to  convoy  a  fleet  of  mer 
chantmen  to  the  East  Indies.  They  assembled  their 
convoy  at  Newport  and  set  sail  in  January.1 

The  sixth  general  order  to  officers  commanding 
public  ships,  issued  by  the  Navy  Department  June 
27,  1799,  calls  for  the  observance  of  strict  disci 
pline  on  all  vessels  of  war  and  the  encouragement 
of  "  a  love  of  country  and  respect  for  its  constituted 
authorities,  a  high  sense  of  national  character,  and 
veneration  for  the  honor  of  the  American  flag." 
The  seventh  order,  September  5,  directs  command 
ing  officers  to  report  infractions  of  a  law  of  1794 
prohibiting  "  the  carrying  on  the  slave  trade  from 
the  United  States  to  any  foreign  place  or  country." 
A  later  act  authorized  the  seizure  of  vessels  en 
gaged  in  this  traffic  and  their  condemnation  for  the 
benefit  of  the  captors.2 

During  the  whole  of  the  year  1799  there  was 
active  cruising  in  the  West  Indies  by  the  American 
navy,  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of  several  new  ves 
sels  which  had  been  built  or  purchased  for  the  ser 
vice.  More  than  thirty  vessels  were  employed  in 
these  waters  at  one  time  or  another  during  the  year, 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  138 ;    Morris,  pp.  8,  9 ;  Essex,  pp.  4-16 ;  Gen. 
Letters,  vol.  iii,  38. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  135, 138, 163 ;  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i,  p.  347, 
vol.  ii,  p.  70. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  133 

and  American  merchantmen  in  convoys  under  the 
protection  of  national  cruisers  were  able  to  carry  on 
a  busy  commerce.  About  twenty-five  French  armed 
vessels  were  captured,  nearly  all  of  them  privateers. 
Among  the  new  vessels  were  two  fast  schooners  of 
twelve  guns  each,  the  Enterprise  and  Experiment. 
They  were  built  especially  for  chasing  privateers 
in  the  shoal  waters  of  this  region,  and  were  ready 
for  service  just  before  the  end  of  the  year.  At  this 
time  there  were  a  few  more  cruisers  in  the  West 
Indies  than  the  year  before  —  something  over 
twenty.  The  Portsmouth,  Captain  McNeill,  and  the 
Maryland,  Captain  Rodgers,  were  cruising  off  Suri 
nam,  and  the  Norfolk,  Warren,  and  Pinckney  off 
Havana.  Commodore  Talbot,  who  commanded  the 
San  Domingo  station,  including  the  waters  about 
Porto  Rico,  had  with  him  the  flagship  Constitution, 
the  General  Greene,  Boston,  Patapsco,  Herald, 
Augusta,  and  Experiment.  Commodore  Truxtun, 
on  the  Guadeloupe  station,  had  under  his  command 
a  squadron  of  ten  vessels,  —  his  flagship  the  Con 
stellation,  the  Adams,  Captain  Morris,  and  John 
Adams,  Captain  Cross,  of  twenty-eight  guns  each, 
the  Connecticut,  Captain  Try  on,  the  Delaware, 
Baltimore,  and  Enterprise,  and  the  revenue  cutters 
Eagle,  Pickering,  and  Scammel.  There  may  have 
been  one  or  two  others  attached  to  one  or  another 
of  these  squadrons.  The  Insurgente  cruised  alone. l 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  136, 137 ;  Pickering,  vol.  xlii,  217 ;  Gen.  Letters, 
vol.  iii,  148. 


134        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Thomas  Truxtun,  the  most  notable  figure  of  this 
war  with  France,  was  born  on  Long  Island  in  1755, 
and  spent  most  of  his  life  at  sea.  As  a  privateers- 
man  he  served  actively  throughout  the  Revolution, 
and  after  the  war  was  engaged  in  the  merchant 
service.  On  board  his  ship  discipline  was  severe 
and  even  harsh.  Regarding  Truxtun  and  navy  dis 
cipline,  Admiral  Porter's  observations  in  his  me 
moir  of  his  father  give  an  interesting  view  of 
conditions  in  the  old  navy:  "In  those  days  the 
authority  of  a  ship's  captain  was  absolute,  and  it 
was  not  unusual  for  a  commander  and  his  watch 
officers  to  commit  acts  of  oppression  that  would 
not  be  tolerated  at  the  present  time.  Even  as  late 
as  the  year  1820  midshipmen  in  the  British  navy 
were  flogged  like  messenger  boys ;  and  our  com 
manders  in  1798,  following  British  customs,  intro 
duced  punishment  equally  unpleasant  on  board 
their  vessels.  It  was  customary  in  those  days  to 
swear  at  the  midshipmen,  send  them  to  the  mast 
head  and  confine  them  for  slight  offenses  on  bread 
and  water,  which  usages  we  are  happy  to  say  have 
long  since  been  abandoned."  l  "  This  was  a  rough 
school  for  young  Porter,  but  he  was  fortunate  in 
commencing  his  career  with  Captain  Truxtun  and 
Lieut.  Rodgers.  Both  were  officers  of  the  highest 
reputation,  strict  disciplinarians  and  men  of  un 
doubted  probity.  Under  them  Porter  formed  the 
character  which  did  so  much  towards  his  advance- 

1  Porter,  p.  18. 


THOMAS   TRUXTUN 


EVENTS   OF  1799  135 

ment  in  the  service ;  and  he  often  in  after  years 
congratulated  himself  in  having  been  brought  up 
in  such  a  thorough  naval  school.  Severe  as  was 
that  discipline  and  unjust  as  were  some  of  the  de 
cisions  of  naval  commanders  of  those  days  against 
their  junior  officers,  who  were  liable  to  dismissal 
from  the  service  at  the  mere  instance  of  a  captious 
captain,  yet  it  is  acknowledged  by  those  familiar 
with  the  subject  that  the  usages  of  that  early  period 
were  far  better  calculated  to  make  officers  who  will 
distinguish  themselves  in  war  than  those  of  the 
present  day.  Notwithstanding  the  attractions  pre 
sented  by  a  naval  career,  yet  so  great  were  the  exac 
tions  and  so  unceasing  the  strain  on  a  boy's  nervous 
temperament  that  only  the  most  rugged  and  deter 
mined  could  remain  in  the  service  for  any  length  of 
time.  On  the  whole  it  is  unfortunate  for  the  navy 
that  this  severe  discipline  was  not  maintained  up 
to  the  present  time,  for  if  it  had  been,  with  our 
advance  in  nautical  science  we  should  be  invincible 
upon  the  ocean. 

"  Captain  Truxtun  was  a  very  severe  man  and  his 
first  lieutenant,  Mr.  Rodgers,  was  in  no  respect  be 
hind  him.  They  had  both  been  educated  in  the  rough 
school  of  the  merchant  service,  where  the  officers, 
having  no  marines  to  support  them,  had  to  depend 
upon  their  own  physical  powers  for  the  maintenance 
of  discipline  among  crews  often  made  up  of  the 
most  desperate  men.  Few  of  the  present  amenities 
of  the  quarter-deck  were  practiced  in  the  early  days 


136        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

of  the  navy,  and  it  required  a  great  deal  of  forbear 
ance  in  a  high-spirited  youth  to  control  his  temper 
under  the  abuse  to  which  he  was  often  subjected. 
Notwithstanding  Midshipman  Porter's  ambition  to 
make  his  way  in  the  navy,  he  was  several  times  on 
the  point  of  resigning.  Upon  one  occasion  he  told 
Captain  Truxtun  that  his  tyranny  was  more  than 
he  could  bear,  whereupon  the  honest-hearted  old 
seaman  took  him  by  the  hand  and  said :  *  My  boy, 
you  shall  never  leave  the  navy  if  I  can  help  it; 
why,  you  young  dog,  every  time  I  swear  at  you,  you 
go  up  a  round  in  the  ladder  of  promotion,  and  when 
Mr.  Rodgers  blows  you  up  it  is  because  he  loves 
you  and  don't  want  you  to  become  too  conceited.' 
Porter  finally  became  much  attached  to  Truxtun 
and  Rodgers,  and  their  mutual  friendship  termi 
nated  only  with  their  lives."  1 

Truxtun  issued  an  address  to  his  midshipmen 
which  reveals  a  lively  interest  in  the  service  and  in 
the  young  men  who  were  to  be  the  officers  of  the 
future.  After  enjoining  obedience  to  superiors,  he 
says:  "In  doing  your  duty,  while  vigilance  is  re 
quired  of  you,  civility  to  those  under  you  is  desired 
and  expected.  From  examples  in  civil  life  and  in  the 
education  many  of  you  have  had,  it  will,  I  am  sure, 
be  grateful  to  you  to  consider  men  in  an  inferior 
station  as  your  fellow  creatures,  and  when  they  do 
their  duty  with  your  cheerfulness  to  encourage  them, 
always  remembering  that  rigid  discipline  and  good 

1  Porter,  pp.  23,  24. 


EVENTS  OF  1799  137 

order  are  very  different  from  tyranny  —  the  one 
highly  necessary  and  the  other  abominable  and  dis 
graceful  to  the  character  of  an  officer. . . .  Persevere 
always,  and  struggle  against  all  your  seeming  diffi 
culties.  Learn  to  be  seamen  of  the  first  order.  Each 
of  you  calculate  and  prepare  yourselves  to  be  Ad 
mirals  and  to  command  the  American  fleet.  Learn 
to  rig  and  unrig,  to  hand,  reef,  and  steer,  and  to 
navigate  a  ship  scientifically,  and  to  perform  every 
sort  of  duty  belonging  to  the  highest  and  the  lowest 
orders  of  seamen  and  sea  officers.  Make  yourselves 
also  acquainted  with  the  construction  of  all  sorts  of 
vessels  and  the  general  principles  of  mechanics.  Do 
not  fail  to  pay  the  closest  attention  to  Naval  Tactics, 
which  you  can  never  know  properly  until  you  be 
come  mathematicians  :  consequently,  till  then,  fight 
ing  in  a  line  of  battle  and  manoeuvres  will  always 
appear  to  you  a  confused  business.  I  shall  always 
have  pleasure  in  giving  encouragement  and  instruc 
tion  to  you  or  such  of  you  as  I  see  merit  it,  and  such 
as  do  not  I  shall  have  equal  pleasure  in  getting  rid 
of  as  speedily  as  possible."  * 

The  last  general  order  issued  by  the  Navy  De 
partment  in  1799  was  dated  December  20  :  "  The 
President  with  deep  affliction  announces  to  the  Navy 
and  to  the  Marines  the  death  of  our  beloved  fellow 
citizen,  George  Washington,  Commander  of  our 
armies  and  late  President  of  the  United  States,  but 
rendered  more  illustrious  by  his  eminent  virtues  and 
1  Wadsworth  MSS. 


138        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

a  long  series  of  most  important  services  than  by  the 
honors  which  his  grateful  country  delighted  to  con 
fer  upon  him.  Desirous  that  the  Navy  and  Marines 
should  express,  in  common  with  every  other  descrip 
tion  of  American  citizens,  the  high  sense  which  all 
feel  of  the  loss  our  country  has  sustained  in  the 
death  of  this  good  and  great  man,  the  President 
directs  that  the  vessels  of  the  Navy,  in  our  own  and 
foreign  ports,  be  put  in  mourning  for  one  week  by 
wearing  their  colors  half-mast  high ;  and  that  the 
officers  of  the  Navy  and  of  Marines  wear  crape  on 
the  left  arm  below  the  elbow  for  six  months."  * 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  140. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   LAST  YEAR   OF  THE   WAR 

ON  New  Year's  day,  1800,  the  schooner  Experi 
ment,  which  had  recently  arrived  on  the  San  Do 
mingo  station,  lay  becalmed  in  the  Bight  of  Leogane, 
off  the  north  shore  of  the  island  of  Gonaive,  with 
a  convoy  of  four  merchantmen.  The  schooner  was 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  William  Maley,  and 
her  first  lieutenant  was  David  Porter,  who  had 
been  promoted  and  transferred  from  the  Constella 
tion.  The  crew  of  the  Experiment  numbered  sev 
enty.  Consul-General  Stevens  was  a  passenger  on 
board,  and  the  next  day  made  a  report  to  Commo 
dore  Talbot,  which  tells  this  story  :  — 

"  At  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  being  becalmed  in 
the  middle  of  the  channel,  ...  we  were  attacked 
by  ten  barges  manned  with  negroes  and  mulattoes 
and  armed  with  muskets,  sabres,  and  boarding  pikes. 
Several  of  the  barges  carried  cannon  of  four  pounds 
and  swivels  in  the  bow  ;  and  from  the  most  accurate 
calculation  I  could  make,  the  whole  number  of  peo 
ple  on  board  of  them  amounted  to  about  four  or  five 
hundred,  the  larger  ones  carrying  60  or  70  and  the 
smaller  ones  40  or  50.  They  rowed  to  wards  us  with 
great  eagerness  from  Trou  Covert  [a  small  islet] 
until  they  came  within  long  gunshot  of  the  convoy, 


140        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

when  they  divided  into  several  small  squadrons  with 
intention  to  board  each  of  the  vessels.  Captain  Maley 
had  made  the  best  possible  arrangement  for  receiv 
ing  them.  The  guns  of  the  Experiment  being  sealed 
and  her  ports  shut,  they  could  not  distinguish  her 
from  the  merchantmen  under  her  convoy,  but  ap 
proached  her  with  the  same  degree  of  boldness  that 
they  did  the  rest.  When  they  came  within  musket- 
shot  of  the  convoy  they  commenced  a  very  heavy 
fire  from  their  great  guns  and  musketry,  which  was 
instantly  returned  by  the  Experiment,  the  brig 
Daniel  and  Mary,  and  the  schooner  Sea  Flower. 
Our  grape-shot  and  small  arms  made  dreadful  havoc 
among  them,  and  obliged  them  to  retire  out  of  the 
reach  of  our  guns.  In  this  situation  they  lay  on  their 
oars  for  the  space  of  half  an  hour,  examining  us 
and  consulting  what  measure  they  should  adopt. 

"  They  then  rowed  towards  the  island  of  Gonaib, 
fired  a  gun,  and  were  joined  by  some  other  barges 
from  the  shore,  which  took  out  the  dead  and 
wounded  from  those  that  had  been  in  the  engage 
ment  and  brought  off  a  reinforcement  of  men.  After 
they  had  continued  thus  recruiting  their  forces  for 
an  hour  and  a  half,  they  hoisted  their  masts  and 
sails  and  divided  into  three  squadrons  of  four  barges 
each.  The  centre  division,  consisting  of  the  largest 
barges,  displayed  red  pendants  from  the  mast  heads, 
while  the  van  and  the  rear  kept  the  tri-colored  flag 
still  flying.  In  this  order  they  rowed  towards  our 
bow  with  great  boldness  and  velocity;  and  from  their 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          141 

manoeuvres  we  could  plainly  perceive  that  this  at 
tack  was  meant  for  the  Experiment  and  her  alone, 
and  that  they  were  determined  by  one  vigorous  effort 
to  board  and  carry  her.  During  their  approach  Cap 
tain  Maley  made  a  very  judicious  arrangement  of  his 
force.  He  placed  a  very  strong  body  of  musketry 
on  the  forecastle  and  another  on  the  quarter-deck. 
The  oars  on  both  sides  were  manned  to  bring  her 
starboard  and  larboard  broadside  to  bear  as  occa 
sion  might  require,  the  boarding  nettings  hoisted 
and  the  great  guns  all  loaded  and  ready  for  action. 
As  soon  as  they  came  within  half  musket-shot  of 
the  Experiment  the  van  and  centre  of  this  little 
fleet  ranged  themselves  on  each  side  of  us,  whilst 
its  rear  attacked  us  on  our  bow.  They  then  com 
menced  a  brisk  and  well-directed  fire  on  all  sides, 
accompanied  with  shrieks  and  menaces.  The  guns 
of  the  Experiment,  however,  being  well  served  and 
the  fire  of  the  marines  continuing  with  great  steadi 
ness  and  activity,  we  at  length  succeeded  in  driving 
them  off  after  a  smart  action  of  near  three  hours. 

"  In  this  second  attempt  two  of  the  barges  were 
sunk  and  a  great  number  in  the  others  killed  or 
wounded.  I  am  sorry,  however,  to  add  that  during 
the  heat  of  the  engagement  and  while  they  at 
tempted  to  board  us  on  all  sides,  two  of  the  barges 
left  the  fleet,  sheltered  themselves  from  our  guns 
behind  the  schooner  Mary,  Captain  Chipman,  and 
the  brig  Daniel  and  Mary,  Captain  Farley,  and  at 
tempted  to  take  them.  The  first  barge  accomplished 


142        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

its  object,  boarded  the  Mary  and  inhumanly  mur 
dered  Captain  Chipman,  being  the  only  person 
found  on  deck,  as  the  rest  of  the  crew  had  either 
secreted  themselves  in  the  hold  or  jumped  into  the 
sea.  The  other  was  sunk  in  the  act  of  boarding  the 
Daniel  and  Mary  by  a  well-directed  shot  from 
the  Experiment  which  passed  between  the  masts  of 
the  brig.  As  soon  as  it  was  perceived  that  the  Mary 
was  taken  a  few  rounds  of  grape-shot  were  thrown 
on  board  her,  which  quickly  dislodged  the  pirates 
and  obliged  them  to  abandon  her  before  they  had 
time  to  do  more  than  plunder  the  cabin.  After  the 
second  attack  the  barges  rowed  towards  Gonaib, 
again  landed  their  killed  and  wounded  and  took 
in  another  reinforcement.  They  continued  in  this 
position  for  some  time,  laying  on  their  oars  and 
carefully  watching  our  motions.  As  the  calm  con 
tinued  it  was  impossible  for  the  Experiment  to  pur 
sue  them  or  for  the  vessels  under  convoy  to  escape. 
About  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  observing  that 
the  current  had  carried  the  brig  Daniel  and  Mary 
and  the  schooner  Washington  nearly  out  of  reach 
of  our  guns,  they  rowed  off  a  third  time  with  a  de 
termination  to  cut  off  these  two  vessels.  This  being 
perceived  by  Captains  Farley  and  Taylor,  com 
manders  of  the  brig  and  schooner,  they  came  to  a 
resolution  to  abandon  their  vessels.  They  were  in 
duced  to  do  so  in  consequence  of  their  crews  refus 
ing  to  defend  themselves  and  from  being  too  distant 
to  be  protected  by  the  Experiment ;  they  therefore 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          143 

came  on  board  of  the  armed  schooner  with  their 
crews  and  passengers.  They  had  scarcely  left  their 
boats  when  the  barges  boarded  their  respective  ves 
sels  and  towed  them  off  in  triumph.  Every  effort 
was  made  by  Captain  Maley  to  save  them,  but 
without  effect ;  by  means  of  his  oars,  however,  he 
got  near  enough  to  reach  the  barges  with  his  round 
shot,  which  did  them  considerable  damage.  Observ 
ing  this  they  detached  two  of  their  number  to  some 
distance  from  the  brig  and  schooner,  either  to  pre 
vent  us  from  following  them  or  to  capture  the  two 
remaining  vessels  that  were  still  under  convoy  of 
the  Experiment,  should  she  continue  the  pursuit. 
Captain  Maley  judged  it  therefore  most  prudent  to 
remain  by  them ;  the  calm  still  continuing,  it  was 
very  uncertain  whether  he  could  have  reached  the 
two  vessels  that  were  already  taken,  while  on  the 
other  hand,  had  he  continued  the  pursuit  he  must 
have  subjected  the  other  two  to  certain  capture. 

"During  the  first  and  second  actions  with  the 
barges  the  Experiment  suffered  in  her  spars,  rigging, 
and  sails ;  fortunately  no  person  was  killed  on  board 
of  her,  and  only  two  slightly  wounded.  Lieutenant 
Porter  received  a  slight  contusion  from  a  musket 
ball  in  his  arm,  and  a  French  passenger  was  struck 
in  the  breast  with  a  spent  ball.  I  cannot  too  much 
applaud  the  intrepidity,  good  conduct,  and  activity 
of  Captain  Maley,  his  officers  and  men,  during 
the  several  actions  in  which  the  Experiment  was 
engaged.  By  their  persevering  exertions  the  schoon- 


144        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ers  Sea  Flower  and  Mary  were  saved ;  and  even 
the  Experiment  herself  preserved  from  capture. 
Surrounded  as  these  vessels  were  by  superior  num 
bers,  in  a  perfect  calm  and  attacked  on  all  sides 
without  being  able  to  bring  the  guns  of  the  Exper 
iment  to  bear  on  the  greatest  part  of  the  enemy,  it 
is  really  surprising  that  any  of  them  escaped.  The 
murder  of  the  unfortunate  Captain  Chipman  and 
the  loss  of  two  of  the  convoy  are  circumstances 
much  to  be  regretted ;  but  were,  notwithstanding, 
inevitable ;  the  barges  were  so  numerous  that  it 
was  next  to  impossible  to  prevent  them  from  board 
ing  some  of  those  vessels.  Had  Captain  Farley  and 
Captain  Taylor  remained  on  board  the  schooner  and 
brig,  it  is  highly  probable  that  both  they  and  their 
crews  would  have  been  put  to  death,  and  it  is  but 
doubtful  whether,  after  all,  their  vessels  could  have 
been  preserved ;  it  was  therefore  prudent  in  them 
to  retire."  1 

The  Experiment  with  the  remnant  of  her  convoy 
at  last  succeeded  in  making  a  port  at  Leogane,  not 
far  from  Port  Republicain.  She  had  expended  nearly 
all  her  grape-shot,  and  Consul  Stevens  was  able  to 
borrow  a  supply  of  General  Toussaint,  also  a  long 
six  pounder  to  serve  as  a  stern  chase.  Stevens  was 
informed  that,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  action  with 
the  picaroons,  there  were  as  many  as  thirty-seven  of 
Rigaud's  barges  manned  by  more  than  fifteen  hun 
dred  men.2 

i  Mass.  Spy,  March  5,  1800.  2  Ibid. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          145 

Commodore  Talbot  reported,  February  12,  that 
he  had  directed  a  frigate  and  a  small  vessel  to  cruise 
in  the  Bight  of  Leogane,  and  urged  that  merchant 
men  should  never  venture  in  those  waters  without 
protection.  He  said  that  no  American  vessel  had 
been  captured  on  the  San  Domingo  station  except 
in  the  bight,  "along  the  shores  of  which,  particularly 
near  St.  Mark's,  those  piratical  boats  are  closely  con 
cealed  in  the  creeks  and  among  the  bushes,  so  that 
no  one  on  board  a  vessel  going  along  the  channel 
can  discover  them,  while  from  the  lookouts  on  the 
hills  the  enemy  can  perfectly  well  observe  every  thing 
that  passes  by.  If  a  vessel  is  becalmed,  and  which 
perhaps  is  more  commonly  the  case  in  this  bay  than 
in  any  other  part  of  the  West  Indies,  those  boats 
will  be  sure  to  come  out  in  all  directions  from  their 
hiding-places  to  attack  such  vessel ;  and  it  has  been 
shown  by  the  gallant  defense  lately  made  against 
them  by  Lieutenant  Maley  in  the  United  States 
schooner  Experiment,  when  attacked  by  eleven  of 
those  armed  boats,  that  perfect  protection  cannot 
be  extended  to  a  whole  convoy  against  those  boats 
in  such  a  long  and  flat  calm  as  that  which  was  then 
experienced."  1  Talbot's  advice  to  merchantmen  was 
sometimes  disregarded,  and  they  imprudently  risked 
their  lives  and  ships.  In  March  a  schooner  from 
Charleston  was  captured,  and  the  crew,  nine  in  all, 
taken  ashore  on  Gonaive.  The  captain  and  two  men 
escaped,  one  of  them  not  until  he  had  seen  three  of 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  March  29,  1800. 


146        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

his  shipmates  shot  down.  The  next  day  the  captain 
returned  and  found  the  bodies  of  six  of  his  men. 
He  was  fortunate  enough  to  find  a  boat  and  escape 
from  the  island.  In  some  cases  the  pirates  were 
more  merciful  and  spared  the  lives  of  their  captives.1 
From  the  foregoing  it  would  appear  that  Lieu 
tenant  Maley  deserved  only  praise  for  his  conduct 
in  this  fight  of  the  Experiment  with  picaroons.  From 
other  sources,  however,  quite  a  different  impression 
is  derived.  When  the  barges  appeared  it  is  said 
that  Maley,  hopeless  of  contending  against  such 
odds,  was  inclined  to  surrender.  At  this  Porter  and 
the  other  officers  protested,  whereupon  Maley  turned 
the  command  over  to  Porter  and  took  no  part  in 
what  followed.  Admiral  Porter  observes  that,  aboard 
the  vessels  of  the  navy  in  the  West  Indies  at  the 
time,  "Lieut.  Porter  was  unanimously  applauded 
for  the  determined  stand  he  took  against  the  weak 
ness  of  his  commanding  officer.  This  case  shows 
the  necessity  of  firmness  in  time  of  danger ;  and  of 
not  yielding  until  forced  by  superior  numbers  to 
do  so.  Many  a  timid  man  has  yielded  to  an  imagi 
nary  superiority,  when  even  a  show  of  resolution 
would  have  given  him  the  victory.  No  commander 
has  any  right  to  surrender  his  ship  when  his  officers 
and  crew  demand  the  right  to  defend  her ;  and  no 
government  will  ever  consider  the  protests  of  offi 
cers,  under  such  circumstances,  as  insubordination. 
No  man  has  the  right  to  disgrace  a  ship's  company 
1  Mass.  Spy,  May  7,  August  20,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          147 

by  surrendering  (without  striking  a  blow)  against 
the  judgment  of  all  hands.  Perhaps  this  doctrine 
may  not  be  in  accordance  with  strict  naval  disci 
pline,  but  I  will  venture  to  say  it  will  be  approved 
by  all  brave  men,  in  and  out  of  the  navy.  Had 
Lieut.  Porter  been  unsuccessful,  he  would  not  have 
been  condemned.  .  .  .  One  of  the  officers  of  the 
Experiment,  Joshua  Blake,  writing  to  Commodore 
Porter  nearly  forty  years  after  the  affair,  uses  this 
language :  'At  that  time  and  ever  since  I  considered 
the  safety  of  the  vessel  and  the  honor  of  the  flag 
mainly  to  have  depended  on  yourself,  and  that  our 
situation  would  have  been  desperate  indeed,  had 
you  been  so  disabled  as  to  have  been  off  duty.' " 1 

Notwithstanding  the  unequivocal  testimony  of 
Consul  Stevens,  it  is  evident  that  Maley,  either  by 
his  conduct  on  this  occasion  or  otherwise,  had  lost 
the  confidence  of  his  subordinates.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  wrote  to  the  President,  July  12, 1800: 
"  But  the  complaints  against  Maley  are  of  such  a 
nature  that  it  would  be  improper  to  suffer  him  to 
command  her  [Experiment]  before  he  is  acquitted 
by  a  Court  Martial."  2  The  President  replied,  July 
23  :  "  Nothing  affects  me  so  much  as  to  see  com 
plaints  against  officers  who  have  distinguished  them 
selves  by  their  vigilance,  activity,  and  bravery  in 
the  service,  as  Maley  has  done ;  but  the  complaints 
must  not  be  rejected  without  inquiry."  3  It  does  not 

1  Porter,  pp.  29-32.  2  £rftera  to  President,  80. 

8  Adams,  vol.  ix,  p.  64. 


148         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

appear,  however,  that  Maley  was  ever  called  to  ac 
count. 

In  May  the  Experiment  seized  the  Danish 
schooner  Mercator  entering  the  port  of  Jacmel. 
Lieutenant  Maley  suspected  this  vessel  of  being 
French,  and  ordered  her  to  Cape  Francois  for  ex 
amination  by  Commodore  Talbot.  On  the  way  she 
was  captured  by  an  English  privateer,  taken  to  Ja 
maica,  and  condemned  as  a  prize.  It  was  determined 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  that 
the  seizure  of  the  Mercator  by  the  Experiment  was 
illegal.1  Maley  continued  in  command  of  the  Ex 
periment  until  summer  and  then  was  relieved  by 
Lieutenant  Charles  Stewart,  who  was  detached 
from  the  United  States  after  her  return  from 
France.  Maley  resigned  his  commission  in  the  navy 
in  November,  1800. 

The  schooner  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  John  Shaw, 
began  her  career  with  promise  of  usefulness,  though 
with  no  such  stirring  incident  as  had  fallen  to  the 
lot  of  her  mate  the  Experiment.  The  story  of  her 
first  month's  service  is  told  in  a  private  letter. 
"On  the  17th  December  we  left  our  capes  with  a 
moderate  breeze  from  the  S.  W.,  but  it  shortly  in 
creased  to  a  violent  gale  accompanied  by  quantities 
of  rain,  and  having  a  new  vessel  and  raw  hands, 
had  soon  many  difficulties  to  encounter.  We  lost 
one  man  overboard  besides  springing  our  foremast, 
but  had  it  condemned  by  a  surveyor  as  being  unfit 

1  Cranch,  yol.  iii,  p.  458 ;  Claims,  pp.  332,  358,  418. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          149 

to  proceed  to  sea  with.  On  the  19th  January  pro 
cured  another  mast  in  Martinico,  and  proceeded  to 
St.  Kitts  with  a  convoy  of  15  sail.  Hauled  up  for 
a  brig  we  saw  under  Guadaloupe,  which  showed  a 
Swedish  jack.  As  we  had  every  reason  to  suppose 
her  a  French  vessel,  beat  all  hands  to  quarters,  the 
usual  mode  we  adopt  on  seeing  a  strange  sail.  We 
gave  her  a  gun,  showing  our  colors,  but  she  kept  her 
wind  to  the  southward  until  we  had  fired  14  shot 
at  her,  when  she  hauled  down  her  colors  and  came 
under  our  lee.  She  proved  to  be  a  Swedish  brig  of 
twenty  12-pounders  and  90  men.  After  examina 
tion  let  her  proceed.  On  the  19th  were  ordered  out 
on  a  cruise.  On  the  22d  recaptured  the  schooner 
Victory  with  a  valuable  cargo  from  Norfolk  bound 
to  Antigua,  five  days  in  possession  of  the  French. 
On  the  24th  recaptured  the  brig  Androscoggin  of 
Topsham,  six  days  in  possession  of  the  French. 
They  both  arrived  safe  in  St.  Kitts.  On  the  26th 
inst.  we  proceeded  to  Curracoa  with  dispatches 
from  Commodore  Truxtun  to  Captain  Baker  of 
the  Delaware.  She  is  in  port  with  many  of  her 
men  sick."  1 

The  Insurgente  being  disabled  by  the  condition 
of  her  foremast,2  Captain  Murray  determined  to 
fill  her  place  in  some  degree  by  employing  the  brig 
Conquest  of  Italy,  recently  captured  by  the  Con 
necticut,  as  a  cruiser  during  repairs  on  the  frigate. 

1  Gazette  of  U.  S.  March  28,  1800. 

2  See  above,  p.  128. 


150         OUR  NAVAL   WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

He  put  on  board  of  her  as  commander  his  second 
lieutenant,  James  P.  Watson,  with  some  of  the 
best  midshipmen  and  thirty  men,  the  number  to 
be  increased  later.  She  cruised  several  weeks,  part 
of  the  time  in  company  with  the  Insurgente  after 
the  frigate's  repairs  were  completed.  The  Conquest 
of  Italy  recaptured  an  American  vessel  from  the 
French.  On  January  31, 1800,  the  Insurgente  and 
her  consort  fell  in  with  the  Constellation,  and  Mur 
ray  was  informed  by  Commodore  Truxtun  that  or 
ders  were  awaiting  him  at  St.  Christopher.  He  at 
once  proceeded  to  that  place,  where  he  found  in 
structions  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  sending 
him  to  Jamaica,  where  he  was  to  receive  a  large 
sum  of  money  for  the  government.  On  the  way 
thither  he  again  fell  in  with  the  Constellation,  much 
crippled  from  a  recent  action  with  a  French  frigate.1 
They  sailed  in  company,  making  slow  progress  on 
account  of  the  Constellation's  condition,  and  arrived 
at  Jamaica  February  8.  Not  finding  all  the  money 
he  expected,  Murray  soon  set  out  for  Havana.  He 
wrote  February  27,  shortly  before  reaching  that 
place  :  "  I  counted  upon  making  the  passage  here 
in  five  days  and  I  have  been  fourteen  beating 
against  heavy  gales  from  the  north  to  W.  N.  W., 
most  of  the  time  under  close  reefed  topsails,  but 
was  happy  to  find  the  ship  made  fine  weather  of  it 
and  stood  the  gale  admirably."  The  Insurgente 

1  See  below,  pp.  163,  176. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          151 

soon  sailed  for  the  United  States,  and  arrived  at 
Baltimore  about  the  middle  of  March.1 

The  Congress,  Captain  Sever,  and  the  Essex,  Cap 
tain  Preble,  set  sail  from  Newport  January  9, 1800, 
with  a  convoy  of  three  vessels  bound  for  the  East 
Indies.  The  object  of  the  voyage  was  to  protect 
American  shipping  in  the  east  from  French  priva 
teers,  which  were  said  to  be  active  there,  and  to  give 
convoy  to  such  vessels  as  desireu  to  return  home. 
The  three  merchantmen  bound  out,  being  dull  sail 
ers,  were  soon  dropped  behind  and  lost  sight  of. 
Five  days  out  it  blew  hard,  and  the  frigates  became 
separated.  The  experiences  of  the  Congress  are  told 
in  Captain  Sever's  report,  dated  at  sea  January  14, 
1800:  "On  Saturday  the  llth  the  wind  veered  to 
the  southward  and  came  on  to  blow  very  fresh,  at 
tended  with  warm  rain  and  a  heavy  sea ;  this  weather 
produced  an  astonishing  effect  on  my  rigging  (which 
had  previously  been  in  very  good  condition),  it 
stretching  so  much  as  to  induce  apprehensions  for 
the  safety  of  the  masts.  The  weather  being  such  as 
to  preclude  the  practicability  of  setting  it  up,  I 
caused  the  tackles  to  be  got  up  to  succor  the  masts 
and  the  rigging  to  be  swiftered  [tightened],  but 
unfortunately  every  step  taken  to  support  the  masts 
proved  futile.  On  Sunday  morning  the  12th,  it  blow 
ing  hard  and  a  heavy  sea  running,  at  half-past  six 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  72;  Mass.  Mercury,  February  21,  1800; 
Columbian  Centiml,  March  26,  1800 ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  36, 
54  (January  3,  February  27,  1800). 


152         OUR  NAVAL  WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

the  mainmast  sprung  about  eight  feet  above  the 
upper  deck.  I  immediately  caused  the  main  yard 
to  be  lowered  down  (the  top-gallant  yard  having 
previously  been  sent  down  and  the  top-gallant  masts 
housed);  on  consultation  with  the  officers  it  was 
decided,  as  affording  the  only  probable  means  of 
saving  the  mainmast,  to  endeavor  to  cut  away  the 
main-topmast.  This  was  immediately  attempted,  Mr. 
Bos  worth,  my  fourth  lieutenant,  with  four  or  five 
smart,  active  men  going  into  the  top  to  perform  the 
service ;  while  in  its  execution  the  mast  unfortunately 
gave  way  and  in  its  fall  involved  the  loss  of  that 
active,  deserving  officer ;  the  other  men  who  were 
aloft  and  engaged  in  the  same  services  were  all 
happily  saved.  The  fall  of  the  mainmast  carried 
away  the  mizzen-topmast  with  the  head  of  the  miz- 
zenmast.  Being  under  an  apprehension  that  from 
the  roughness  of  the  sea  the  hull  of  the  ship  might 
be  essentially  injured  by  the  action  of  the  wreck, 
was  induced  to  clear  it  from  the  ship  with  all  pos 
sible  expedition,  by  which  means  a  very  small  part 
only  of  the  rigging  and  sails  attached  to  those  masts 
were  saved.  I  now  turned  all  my  attention  to,  and 
made  use  of  every  practicable  exertion  to  preserve 
the  foremast ;  the  wind  still  continuing  to  blow  hard 
with  a  very  heavy  sea  and  the  ship  from  the  loss 
of  her  after-masts  laying  in  the  trough  and  laboring 
very  much,  at  half -past  12  she  rolled  away  her  fore- 
topmast,  soon  after  which  it  was  discovered  that 
the  bowsprit  was  very  badly  sprung  just  without 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          153 

the  gammoning.  I  immediately  caused  the  jib-boom 
to  be  rigged  in  and  endeavored  to  secure  the  bow 
sprit  by  strong  lashings  round  the  heel  of  the  jib- 
boom,  at  the  same  time  getting  up  tackles  to  the 
foremast  head  to  secure  the  mast  (which  was  al 
ready  sprung)  and  to  relieve  in  some  measure  the 
stress  upon  the  bowsprit  caused  by  the  fore  and 
fore  preventer  stays.  It  is  with  great  regret  I  am 
to  add  that  all  my  endeavors  proved  of  no  farther 
consequence  than  probably  to  retard  for  a  very  lit 
tle  time  what  eventually  took  place,  as  at  half-past 
3  P.  M.  the  bowsprit  gave  way  and  at  the  same  in 
stant  the  foremast  went  over  the  side,  leaving  us 
totally  dismasted  and  with  the  loss  of  the  principal 
part  of  the  sails  and  rigging,  which  in  our  then 
situation  it  was  not  practicable  to  preserve."  1 

The  Congress  "  was  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  gale 
for  some  hours,  until  arrangements  were  made  that 
enabled  a  small  sail  to  be  set,  under  which  she  was 
put  before  the  gale  until  it  moderated."  It  was  of 
course  necessary  to  return  to  port,  and  she  succeeded 
in  reaching  Hampton  Roads  February  24.  Captain 
Sever  was  exonerated  from  blame  by  a  court  of  in 
quiry.  The  frigate's  cruise  to  the  far  east  was  aban 
doned  and  after  refitting  she  was  sent  to  the  West 
Indies.2 

The  Essex  continued  the  voyage  alone  and  car- 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  March  19,  1800. 

2  Morris,  pp.  10,  11;  Mass.  Mercury,*  March  18,  1800;  Salem 
Gazette,  March  18,  1800  ;  Columbian  Centinel,  June  18,  1800. 


154        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ried  out  as  far  as  possible  the  intentions  of  the 
government.  She  was  the  first  American  national 
vessel  to  display  the  flag  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  The  story  of  this  interesting  cruise  is  told 
in  Captain  Preble's  journal  and  reports  and  in  the 
ship's  log.  January  12  he  writes :  "  Strong  gales,  by 
S.  E.  to  S.  W.  and  rain,  under  reefed  foresail,  close- 
reefed  maintopsail,  mizzen  and  forestaysails.  At  4 
p.  M.  took  in  the  maintopsail  and  set  the  storm  miz 
zen  staysail.  The  Congress  S.  E.  by  E.  two  miles. 
At  4|  P.  M.,  considering  the  bowsprit  to  be  in  dan 
ger,  I  bore  away  for  a  few  minutes  to  take  in  the 
fore-topmast  staysail  to  save  the  ship  forward ;  at 
the  same  time  hauled  down  the  mizzen  staysail,  the 
wind  blowing  with  great  fury.  At  this  time  lost 
sight  of  the  Congress,  our  rigging  being  so  slack 
as  to  make  it  impossible  to  carry  sail  to  keep  up 
with  her,  without  hazarding  the  loss  of  our  masts." 
The  next  day  the  wind  moderated,  but  a  heavy 
sea  continued.  In  the  case  of  the  Essex,  as  in  that 
of  the  Congress,  the  rigging  had  been  set  up  in  cold 
weather,  and  a  warm  storm  in  the  Gulf  Stream  made 
it  dangerously  slack.  January  24,  in  the  evening, 
the  lieutenant  on  deck  "  informed  me  the  mainmast 
was  sprung  between  decks.  I  ordered  the  maintop- 
sail  to  be  taken  in.  Examined  the  mast  and  found 
it  very  badly  sprung  about  three  feet  above  the 
wedges.  Got  down  the  top-gallant  yard  and  masts. 
Took  in  the  mainsail  and  set  up  the  weather  shrouds  ; 
then  got  the  mainyard  down  and  took  every  precau- 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          155 

tion  to  ease  the  mast  and  secure  it  until  morning. 
At  6  A.  M.  the  carpenters  were  all  set  to  work  pre 
paring  fishes  for  the  mast.  Carried  away  two  of  our 
main  shrouds  ;  got  up  others  to  replace  them."  The 
ship  crossed  the  equator  February  7.  A  week  later 
"  John  Wells  and  Daniel  Woodman,  two  able  sea 
men,  fell  overboard  and  were  both  drowned,  although 
every  exertion  was  made  to  save  them."  March  11, 
the  Essex  anchored  in  Table  Bay,  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  where  she  found  a  British  squadron  of  seven 
vessels.1 

Two  days  after  his  arrival  Preble  wrote  a  report 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  in  which  after  men 
tioning  the  accident  to  the  mainmast  and  various 
other  mishaps  he  says :  "  These  disasters  length 
ened  my  passage  considerably  and  will  detain  me 
here  at  least  ten  days  from  the  day  of  my  arrival, 
as  considerable  iron  and  wood  work  is  to  be  done  to 
the  masts,  a  complete  gang  of  new  shrouds  to  be 
fitted,  and  water  to  fill.  I  begin  to  fear  some  acci 
dent  has  happened  to  the  Congress,  and  if  she  does 
not  arrive  by  the  time  I  am  ready  for  sea,  I  shall 
not  wait  a  moment  for  her,  but  make  the  best  of  my 
way  to  the  port  of  destination,  and  as  the  Essex  is 
a  remarkably  fast  sailer,  I  am  in  hopes  to  reach 
it  in  season  to  answer  the  object  government  had 
in  view  in  sending  me  out.  .  .  .  The  Essex  is  much 
admired  for  the  beauty  of  her  construction,  by  the 
officers  of  the  British  navy.  The  day  after  my 
1  Essex,  pp.  49-67. 


156        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

arrival  one  of  the  Captains  of  the  men-of-war  waited 
on  me  on  board  the  Essex  with  their  compliments 
and  congratulations,  and  I  was  invited  to  dine  with 
the  Admiral.  On  the  day  following  I  received  the 
same  attention  from  the  Governor.  They  both  ap 
peared  to  be  disposed  to  render  me  every  service 
in  their  power  and  to  make  my  stay  here  as  pleas 
ant  as  possible.  I  have  this  day  been  presented 
with  a  paper  from  Bombay  which  contains  the 
order  of  the  Governor  of  the  Isle  of  France  for 
the  confiscation  of  all  American  property,  which 
I  enclose  you.  I  am  told  here  the  French  have 
several  privateers  about  the  Straits  of  Sunda  and 
I  am  in  hopes  the  superior  sailing  of  the  Essex  will 
enable  me  to  pick  up  some  of  them  ;  every  exertion 
shall  be  made  use  of  for  that  purpose."  March  25 
he  wrote  to  the  secretary :  "  The  conduct  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  and  of  every  branch  of  this  gov 
ernment  has  been  uniformly  friendly  and  obliging. 
They  have  treated  me  with  distinguished  attention 
and  have  uniformly  tendered  their  best  services. 
The  Essex  is  now  completely  equipped,  and  as  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  the  Congress  I  shall  pro 
ceed  to  sea  to-morrow  to  carry  into  effect  the  orders 
of  the  President."  Leaving  a  letter  for  Captain 
Sever,  Preble  set  sail  and  doubled  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope  March  28. 1 

Nothing  of  interest  then  occurred  until  they  ar 
rived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Straits  of  Sunda,  when 
1  Essex,  pp.  67-69,  86-90. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          157 

on  May  6  the  Essex  recaptured  "  an  American  ship 
condemned  at  the  Isle  of  France  and  bound  to  Ba- 
tavia,  commanded  by  a  Frenchman."  On  the  14th, 
before  going  into  Batavia,  Preble  wrote  to  the  gov 
ernor-general  of  the  Dutch  Indies  announcing  his 
arrival  and  saying :  "  I  shall  salute  the  Dutch  flag 
at  Batavia  with  sixteen  guns,  if  your  Excellency 
will  do  me  the  honor  to  order  an  equal  number  re 
turned.  Without  being  assured  of  this,  I  am  not  at 
liberty  to  salute  the  flag  of  any  nation  whatever." 
The  next  day  he  anchored  in  Batavia  roads  and  the 
salutes  were  exchanged.  Preble  was  cordially  re 
ceived  by  the  governor.  Most  of  the  time  during 
the  next  six  weeks  was  spent  in  cruising  about  the 
Straits  of  Sunda  and  in  collecting  the  convoy  for 
the  voyage  home.  The  merchantmen  were  impa 
tient  to  get  away.  In  his  next  report,  dated  August 
6,  Preble  says :  "  On  the  15th  of  June  I  delivered 
signals  and  instructions  to  fifteen  vessels,  being  all 
that  were  bound  to  the  United  States  and  all  except 
three  at  Batavia.  The  16th  I  moved  the  Essex 
down  to  Onrust  and  the  19th  weighed  anchor  and 
sailed  with  thirteen  ships  and  brigs  under  convoy, 
the  other  two  concluding  to  join  me  below.  The 
21st  a  Dutch  proa  came  alongside  with  the  master, 
supercargo,  and  part  of  the  crew  of  the  American 
Ship  Altenamak,  of  and  from  Baltimore,  bound  to 
Batavia.  She  was  captured  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Straits  the  15th  by  a  French  Corvette  of  22  guns 
and  250  men,  which  arrived  in  the  Straits  on  that 


158        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

day  from  the  Isle  of  France.  Four  other  privateers 
were  to  sail  for  the  Straits  after  her,  one  of  them 
a  ship  of  32  guns.  I  continued  to  proceed  down  the 
Straits,  making  slow  progress  with  the  wind  con 
stantly  ahead.  22d,  anchored  the  Fleet  in  Anjer 
Roads,  wind  directly  contrary  and  very  light  breezes, 
the  French  Corvette  in  sight  hovering  about  the 
Fleet.  At  1  p.  M.  I  gave  chase  to  her,  which  was 
continued  until  dark,  but  the  lightness  of  the  wind 
enabled  her  to  make  use  of  her  sweeps  to  such 
advantage  as  to  escape,  and  I  returned  to  the 
Fleet  again.  24th,  a  Dutch  proa  came  alongside,  by 
which  I  received  information  of  the  arrival  in  the 
Straits  of  a  French  ship  of  32  guns  and  much 
crowded  with  men.  The  Dutchman  that  commanded 
the  proa  had  been  on  board  of  her  the  day  before, 
and  I  suppose  she  must  have  passed  the  convoy 
in  the  night,  as  she  stood  over  towards  the  coast  of 
Sumatra.  This  ship  the  Dutchman  declared  to  be  a 
frigate  from  France,  and  which  had  only  touched  at 
the  Isle  of  France.  At  10  A.  M.  the  French  Corvette 
in  sight  approaching  the  Fleet  at  anchor  under  Java 
shore  between  Anjer  and  Pepper  Bay,  very  light 
winds,  almost  calm.  At  noon,  the  breeze  increasing, 
I  weighed  anchor  and  gave  chase,  which  continued 
until  5  o'clock  in  the  evening,  at  which  time  I  had 
gained  so  much  on  her  that  nothing  but  its  falling 
calm  and  the  assistance  the  Frenchman  received 
from  his  numerous  sweeps  saved  him  from  capture  ; 
had  there  been  only  a  moderate  breeze  I  must  have 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          159 

taken  him.  For  want  of  wind  I  was  not  able  to  join 
the  Fleet  again  until  the  next  morning.  .  .  .  The 
30th  one  of  the  vessels  left  at  Batavia  joined  me, 
the  master  of  which  informed  me  that  the  other 
ship  .  .  .  would  not  be  down  to  join  the  convoy. 
.  .  .  The  1st  of  July,  having  completed  their  stock 
of  water,  I  proceeded  to  sea  with  fourteen  sail  under 
convoy,  as  per  list  enclosed."  The  list  shows  eight 
ships  and  six  brigs,  only  one  of  them  unarmed.  One 
ship  of  over  a  thousand  tons,  the  China  of  Philadel 
phia,  carried  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  thirty- 
six  guns,  probably  small  ones.  "  It  is  singularly  un 
fortunate  for  the  American  trade  that  the  Congress 
did  not  arrive  at  Batavia,  as  in  that  case  she  could 
have  convoyed  the  Fleet  home  and  I  might  have 
been  left  to  clear  the  Straits  of  those  pirates,  but 
now  they  can  do  as  they  please,  as  they  have  no 
force  opposed  to  them,  the  English  squadron  hav 
ing  left  the  station.  I  fear  every  merchant  ship 
that  attempts  to  pass  the  Straits  will  fall  a  sacrifice. 
The  necessity  of  a  constant  protection  of  our  trade 
in  the  Straits  will,  I  presume,  be  sufficiently  ap 
parent."  Two  days  before  sailing  the  Essex  "  spoke 
the  Ship  Columbia,  109  days  from  the  Capes  of  the 
Delaware,  who  informed  us  that  the  Congress  was 
dismasted  after  parting  with  us  and  arrived  at  a 
southern  port."  l 

The  convoy  required  a  good  deal  of  attention 
from  the  Essex,  as  a  few  extracts  from  the  frigate's 
1  Essex,  pp.  69-78,  91-97. 


160        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

log  will  show.  "  July  4.  Sent  Surgeon's  mate  on 
board  the  Smallwood.  ...  At  half-past  4  p.  M. 
made  signal  83.  Hoisted  colors  and  fired  a  salute 
of  sixteen  guns.  At  8  p.  M.  gave  chase  to  a  strange 
sail,  which  proved  a  Danish  ship  from  Copenhagen 
bound  to  Batavia.  July  7.  Took  the  Brig  Delaware 
in  tow.  July  16.  At  midnight  hove  to  for  the  Small- 
wood  to  come  up.  July  17.  Sent  a  boat  by  request 
of  Capt.  Sandf ord  to  the  Smallwood  and  found  that 
four  of  the  men  we  loaned  to  the  '  S.'  had  mutinied. 
.  .  .  Had  them  brought  on  board,  whipped  at  the 
gangway  and  put  in  irons,  and  sent  three  other  men 
to  the  Smallwood.  July  18.  Fired  a  blank  gun  to 
bring  to  one  of  the  Fleet.  She  not  regarding  it, 
fired  another  with  shot,  which  had  the  desired  effect. 
July  23.  Continue  to  keep  the  Brig  Delaware  in 
tow.  July  26.  Spoke  the  Brig  Exchange  in  trouble, 
nearly  all  her  men  sick.  Sent  the  Doctor's  mate 
on  board  and  three  men  for  his  assistance.  July  31. 
Brig  Lapwing  informed  us  there  was  a  French  ship 
in  the  Fleet.  Hove  to  and  make  signal  for  the  Fleet 
to  do  the  same.  The  Ship  Dominick  Terry  made 
signal  of  distress.  Hoisted  out  the  cutter.  It  ap 
peared  the  ship  Dispatch  had  run  into  the  D.  Terry 
and  stove  her  larboard  bow  in.  Gave  her  assistance. 
August  2.  All  the  Fleet  in  sight.  August  5.  Peter 
Anderson,  who  belonged  to  the  main  top,  starboard 
watch,  died.  Committed  his  body  to  the  deep. 
August  7.  The  Ship  Dispatch  and  Brig  Lapwing 
asked  permission  and  left  the  Fleet,  having  given 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          161 

up  their  signal  books.  August  14.  John  Bailey, 
able  seamen,  and  Charles  Gardner,  supernumerary, 
died  and  were  buried  in  the  sea."  A  day  or  two 
before  this  the  fleet  had  been  scattered  by  a  heavy 
gale.  The  Essex  passed  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
August  27  and  arrived  at  St.  Helena,  the  appointed 
rendezvous,  September  10,  having  seen  only  three 
of  the  convoy  since  the  gale.  In  the  course  of  the 
next  two  weeks  nine  of  the  vessels  turned  up,  and 
September  26  the  Essex  got  under  way  with  seven 
of  them,  the  other  two  having  sailed  in  advance. 
Without  further  adventure  the  frigate  arrived  at 
New  York  November  28,  1800. l 

On  account  of  short  enlistments  the  cruisers  in 
the  West  Indies  were  obliged  from  time  to  time  to 
return  to  the  United  States  to  recruit  new  crews.  It 
was  impracticable,  therefore,  always  to  keep  on  the 
different  stations  as  many  vessels  as  were  necessary 
fully  to  protect  commerce  from  French  privateers, 
especially  those  of  Guadeloupe,  which  were  numer 
ous  and  active.2  Conditions  about  Porto  Rico  were 
unsatisfactory  early  in  the  year.  The  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  replying  February  6  to  complaints  of  in 
adequate  protection  in  the  vicinity  of  Porto  Rico, 
said  that  for  the  previous  six  months  there  had 
always  been  from  five  to  nine  vessels  on  the  Guade 
loupe  station  and  nearly  as  many  at  San  Domingo, 
and  that  the  commanding  officers  of  both  stations 

1  Essex,  pp.  79-85,  97-100  ;  Salem  Gazette,  November  18, 1800. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  p.  166. 


162         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

had  "constantly  acted  under  instructions  to  pay 
great  attention  to  Porto  Rico,  to  scour  the  coast 
frequently,  and  to  keep  always  one  cruiser  out  at 
least  in  this  service.  In  addition  to  this  I  have  sent 
from  this  country  in  September,  October,  and  No 
vember  three  vessels  to  cruise  each  one  month  about 
Porto  Rico.  ...  It  is  more  difficult  to  guard  against 
privateers  from  Spanish  than  from  French  Ports."  1 
Captain  Russell,  cruising  off  San  Juan  in  the 
Herald,  wrote  January  25  :  "I  have  the  honor  to 
inform  you  that  on  the  21st  inst.  at  6  o'clock  A.  M. 
I  saw  a  sail  in  the  N.  W.  quarter,  to  which  I  gave 
chase  and  at  9,  after  firing  seven  shot  at  her,  brought 
her  to.  She  proved  to  be  a  French  privateer  called 
La  Mutine,  commanded  by  Capt.  Lauger,  from  St. 
John's,  Porto  Rico,  and  had  been  out  14  hours ; 
she  mounted  6  guns,  12  and  4  pounders,  with  60 
men  half  French  and  half  Spanish." 2 

Commodore  Truxtun  arrived  at  St.  Christopher 
January  21, 1800,  and  took  command  of  the  Guade 
loupe  station.  After  this,  he  says  in  a  report  writ 
ten  about  two  weeks  later,  "  I  made  every  exertion 
in  my  power  to  get  the  squadron  as  well  as  my  own 
ship  to  sea  in  the  shortest  time  possible ;  and  gave 
all  the  commanders  of  the  different  vessels  orders 
to  cruise  separately  in  certain  situations.  .  .  .  On 
the  30th  I  left  St.  Christopher's  with  the  Constel- 

1  Gen.  Letters,  vol.  iii,  148,  Stoddert  to  C.  Goodrich  (February 
6,  1800). 

2  Columbian  Centinel,  March  19,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          163 

lation  in  excellent  trim  for  sailing  and  stood  to 
windward  in  order  to  occupy  the  station  I  had  al 
lotted  for  myself,  before  the  road  of  the  enemy  at 
Guadaloupe,  where  I  was  informed  a  very  large  and 
heavy  frigate  of  upwards  of  fifty  guns  was  then 
lying ;  and  early  on  the  next  day  I  fell  in  with 
L'Insurgent,  Captain  Murray,  and  the  prize  brig 
Conquest  of  Italy,  that  had  been  fitted  out  to  cruise 
with  him  in  those  seas.  After  a  short  interview 
with  Captain  Murray,  I  requested  him  to  proceed 
to  St.  Christopher's,"  where  he  would  find  orders 
awaiting  him.  Murray  "  immediately  made  sail  to 
leeward  and  I  continued  plying  to  windward."  The 
next  morning,  February  1,  Truxtun  sighted  a  sail 
in  the  southeast,  to  which  he  gave  chase.1 

The  official  account  of  the  day's  events  is  taken 
from  Truxtun's  journal,  dated  February  1  and  2.  He 
says:  "At  half-past  seven  A.M.,  the  road  of  Basse 
terre,  Guadaloupe,  bearing  east  five  leagues  dis 
tance,  saw  a  sail  in  the  southeast  standing  to  the 
westward,  which  from  her  situation  I  at  first  took 
for  a  large  ship  from  Martinico  and  hoisted  English 
colors,  on  giving  chase,  by  way  of  inducement  for  her 
to  come  down  and  speak  me,  which  would  have  saved 
a  long  chase  to  leeward  of  my  intended  cruising 
ground ;  but  finding  she  did  not  attempt  to  alter  her 
course,  I  examined  her  more  attentively  as  we  ap 
proached  her  and  discovered  her  to  be  a  heavy  French 
frigate  mounting  at  least  fifty-four  guns.  I  imme- 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  72,  Truxtun  to  Stoddert  (February  3, 1800). 


164        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

diately  gave  orders  for  the  yards  to  be  slung  with 
chains,  topsail  sheets,  &c.,  stoppered,  and  the  ship 
cleared  ready  for  action,  and  hauled  down  the  Eng 
lish  colors.  At  noon  the  wind  became  light  and  I 
observed  the  chase,  that  we  had  before  been  gaining 
fast  on,  held  way  with  us,  but  I  was  determined  to 
continue  the  pursuit,  though  the  running  to  lee 
ward  I  was  convinced  would  be  attended  with  many 
serious  disadvantages,  especially  if  the  object  of  my 
wishes  was  not  gratified.  At  one  o'clock  p.  M.  the 
wind  being  somewhat  fresher  than  the  noon  pre- 
ceeding  and  an  appearance  of  its  continuance,  our 
prospect  of  bringing  the  enemy  to  action  began  to 
brighten,  as  I  perceived  we  were  coming  up  with 
the  chase  fast  and  every  inch  of  canvas  being  set 
that  could  be  of  service,  except  the  bag  reefs  which 
I  kept  in  the  topsails,  in  case  of  the  enemy,  finding 
an  escape  from  our  thunder  impracticable,  should 
haul  on  a  wind  and  give  us  fair  battle ;  but  this  did 
not  prove  to  be  her  commander's  intention.  I  how 
ever  got  within  hail  of  him  at  eight  P.  M.,  hoisted 
our  ensign  and  had  the  candles  in  the  battle  lan 
terns  all  lighted  and  was  in  the  lee  gangway  ready 
to  speak  him  and  to  demand  a  surrender  of  his  ship 
to  the  United  States  of  America,  when  at  that  in 
stant  he  commenced  a  fire  from  his  stern  and  quar 
ter  guns  directed  at  our  rigging  and  spars.  No 
parley  being  then  necessary  I  sent  my  principal 
aide-de-camp,  Mr.  Vandyke,  to  the  different  officers 
commanding  divisions  on  the  main  battery,  to  re- 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          165 

peat  strictly  my  orders  before  given,  not  to  throw 
away  a  single  charge  of  powder  and  shot,  but  to 
take  good  aim  and  to  fire  directly  into  the  hull  of 
the  enemy  and  load  principally  with  two  round  shot 
and  now  and  then  with  a  round  shot  and  a  stand  of 
grape,  &c. ;  to  encourage  the  men  at  their  quarters 
and  to  cause  or  suffer  no  noise  or  confusion  what 
ever,  but  to  load  and  fire  as  fast  as  possible  when 
it  could  be  done  with  certain  effect. 

"  These  orders  being  given,  in  a  few  moments  I 
gained  a  position  on  his  weather  quarter  that  en 
abled  us  to  return  effectually  his  salute,  and  thus 
as  close  and  as  sharp  an  action  as  ever  was  fought 
between  two  frigates  commenced  and  continued  until 
within  a  few  minutes  of  one  A.  M.,  when  the  enemy's 
fire  was  completely  silenced  and  he  was  again  sheer 
ing  off.  It  was  at  this  moment  that  I  considered 
him  as  my  prize  and  was  trimming  in  the  best 
manner  I  could  my  shattered  sails  when  I  found 
the  mainmast  was  totally  unsupported  with  rigging, 
every  shroud  being  shot  away  and  some  of  them  in 
many  places,  so  as  to  render  stoppers  useless,  which 
in  fact  could  not  be  applied  with  effect.  I  then  gave 
orders  for  all  the  men  to  be  sent  up  from  the  gun 
deck  to  endeavor  to  secure  the  mast,  in  order  that 
we  might  get  alongside  of  the  enemy  again  as  soon 
as  possible ;  but  every  effort  was  in  vain,  for  it  went 
over  the  side  in  a  few  minutes  after  and  carried 
with  it  the  topmen,  among  whom  was  an  amiable 
young  gentleman  who  commanded  the  main  top, 


166       OUR    NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Mr.  James  Jarvis,  son  of  James  Jarvis,  Esq.,  of 
New  York.  This  young  gentleman  it  seems  was  ap 
prised  of  his  danger  by  an  old  seaman,  but  he  had 
already  so  much  the  principle  of  an  officer  engrafted 
on  his  mind,  not  to  leave  his  quarters,  that  he  re 
plied  if  the  mast  went  they  must  go  with  it,  which 
was  the  case  and  only  one  of  them  was  saved.  .  .  . 
As  soon  as  the  mainmast  went,  every  effort  was 
made  to  clear  the  wreck  from  the  ship  as  soon  as 
possible,  which  was  effected  in  about  an  hour,  and 
as  her  security  was  then  the  great  object,  it  being 
impossible  to  pursue  the  enemy  I  immediately  bore 
away  for  Jamaica  for  repairs,  &c.,  finding  it  im 
practicable  to  reach  a  friendly  port  in  any  of  the 
islands  to  windward."  l 

One  of  the  Constellation's  lieutenants,  writing 
February  3,  gives  some  additional  details.  "I  am 
safe  after  a  severe  action  of  five  hours  broadside 
and  broadside  with  a  French  fifty  gun  ship.  We 
chased  her  from  eight  in  the  morning  of  the  first 
until  about  a  quarter  before  eight  in  the  even 
ing,  when  we  brought  her  to  action,  and  a  very  se 
vere  cannonading  commenced  from  both  ships  and 
continued  till  half-past  twelve  at  night,  when  the 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  72 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  166-168 ;  Naval  Tem 
ple,  pp.  265,  266.  In  most  of  the  accounts  of  this  battle  a  mistake 
in  the  date  is  made  by  confusing  the  civil  day  and  the  nautical  day 
(which  begins  twelve  hours  earlier),  the  latter  being  used  in  Trux- 
tun's  journal.  The  chase  is  thereby  made  to  last  twenty-four  hours 
longer  than  was  actually  the  case.  The  chase  began  at  7.30  A.  M. 
February  1  and  the  fight  ended  at  1  A.  M.  February  2,  less  than 
eighteen  hours  in  all.  See  Appendix  VI. 


THE   LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          167 

enemy's  battery  was  silenced  (except  the  two  after 
most  guns);  ours  continued  with  increased  vigor. 
She  then  sheered  off  perfectly  beaten.  We  took  the 
weather  gauge  and  kept  it  during  the  action.  The 
officers  of  divisions  were  ordered  up  and  the  smart 
est  men  to  secure  the  mainmast,  but  it  was  so  much 
shattered  that  before  any  assistance  could  be  given 
it  went  over  the  side  together  with  the  mizzen-top- 
inast,  which  gave  the  enemy  the  opportunity  of 
making  off.  This  she  embraced  with  all  possible 
expedition.  Our  following  her  was  impracticable. 
One  half  hour's  more  assistance  of  the  mainmast 
would  to  a  certainty  have  made  her  our  prize.  Her 
battery  was  either  deserted  by  the  men  or  dis 
mounted  by  our  cannon,  for  it  was  entirely  silenced 
at  one  o'clock  when  our  mainmast  went  over  the 
side.  We  are  now  running  down  to  Jamaica  to  refit. 
You  can  have  no  idea  of  the  figure  we  cut.  There 
is  not  a  spar  or  fathom  of  rigging  abaft  the  fore 
mast.  We  are  just  able,  by  securing  the  crippled 
foremast,  to  set  a  foresail  and  fore-topsail  half  mast. 
We  have  this  day  rigged  a  mizzen  staysail  from  the 
stump  of  the  mainmast  to  the  head  of  the  mizzen- 
mast.  What  is  left  of  the  latter  we  are  now  securing 
in  its  crippled  state  to  make  more  after-sail.  Our 
hull  is  very  much  battered.  We  had  twenty 
wounded  and  at  least  that  many  killed  —  no  time 
yet  to  ascertain  accurately.  The  officers  all  escaped 
except  a  midshipman,  Mr.  Jarvis  of  New  York, 
stationed  in  the  main  top,  who  went  over  with  three 


168        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

men  and  was  never  seen  afterwards.  It  would  have 
been  a  great  satisfaction  to  have  possession  of  the 
enemy ;  it  was  only  the  loss  of  our  mainmast  I  am 
certain  that  prevented  it.  She  was  torn  all  to  flin 
ders.  There  was  hardly  one  shot  from  us  that  she 
did  not  receive  in  the  hull ;  while  she  directed  hers 
almost  entirely  at  our  rigging.  We  do  not  know 
what  ship  she  is  or  the  damage  she  has  sustained, 
all  the  business  being  in  the  night.  I  do  suppose 
there  have  been  few  such  actions  and  I  am  well 
convinced,  if  we  get  a  true  account  of  the  enemy's 
situation,  it  will  be  a  bloody  one."  1 

The  French  ship  turned  out  to  be  the  frigate 
Vengeance.  Her  commander,  Captain  Pitot,  in  his 
report  to  the  minister  of  marine  of  the  French  Re 
public,  says:  "  I  have  the  honor  to  send  you  an 
account  of  two  actions  I  have  had  on  the  12th  and 
13th  Pluviose  with  an  American  frigate,  which  at 
tacked  us  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  in  latitude 
15°  17'  North  and  longitude  66°  4'  West  of  Paris 
[63°  44'  west  of  Greenwich],  and  fought  at  first 
under  the  English  flag  and  then  the  American.  1 
am  ignorant  of  its  name.  The  rumor  which  I  heard 
from  the  Governor  of  Curacoa  and  all  the  informa 
tion  that  I  have  been  enabled  to  procure  lead  me 
to  believe  that  the  action  took  place  with  the  Con 
stellation,  frigate  of  the  United  States,  of  sixty 
cannons  and  having  five  hundred  men  as  a  crew. 
She  had  24-  and  18 -pounders  in  her  battery  and 

1  Mass.  Spy,  March  26,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          169 

12-pounders  upon  her  quarter-deck  and  forecastle. 
.  .  .  Everything  showed  me  that  I  must  avoid  an 
action  in  the  position  I  was  in  and  must  limit  my 
self  to  the  defensive.  I  acted  in  consequence.  After 
having  in  the  first  action  dismantled  my  antagonist, 
I  made  all  sail  and  continued  my  course.  As  to 
him,  he  could  have  attacked  us  in  daylight,  but  he 
did  not  do  so,  preferring  to  attack  at  nightfall,  and 
after  having  been  forcibly  repulsed  he  returned  to 
the  charge.  The  engagement  was  very  exciting.  In 
consequence  of  the  action  I  was  so  much  damaged 
in  my  rigging  that  I  was  forced  to  run  before  the 
wind  to  Cura^oa,  working  to  bend  new  sails  on  the 
stumps  of  the  masts  which  remained,  by  means  of 
which  we  were  enabled  to  reach  port  on  the  18th  of 
the  same  month.  I  was  very  well  received  here  by 
the  governor  and  the  marine  commandant.  Each  of 
my  officers  fulfilled  his  duty  with  honor,  courage 
and  talent,  and  I  must  express  very  great  satisfac 
tion  with  their  conduct."  * 

Captain  Pitot's  unwillingness  to  fight  unless 
forced  to  act  on  the  defensive  was  attributed  to  the 
fact  that  he  had  many  passengers  and  a  large 
amount  of  specie  on  board.  In  speaking  of  two  ac 
tions  in  his  report  he  presumably  meant  that  there 
was  an  intermission  in  the  fight.  Although  appar 
ently  claiming  the  advantage,  Pitot  was  said  to  have 
admitted  afterwards  that  he  hauled  down  his  flag 
three  times.  Some  years  later  the  first  lieutenant 

1  Maday,  vol.  i,  pp.  197, 198. 


170        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

of  the  Vengeance  stated  that  twice  or  three  times 
during  the  action  the  French  colors  were  struck, 
but  that  as  the  Constellation  continued  her  fire 
the  Vengeance  also  was  obliged  to.  On  account  of 
darkness  and  smoke  Truxtun  was  ignorant  of  the 
enemy's  surrender.1 

The  narrative  of  a  passenger  on  the  Vengeance 
was  published  a  few  months  later.  He  says :  "I 
embarked  with  sixty  passengers  on  board  the  frig 
ate  La  Vengeance  of  forty-two  twelve  pounders  and 
three  hundred  and  twenty  men.  We  left  Guada- 
loupe  the  14th  Pluviose  last.  The  day  after,  we  met 
the  American  frigate  Constellation  of  fifty-four 
eighteen  pounders,  who  gave  us  chase.  We  deter 
mined  to  avoid  an  action,  but  she  forced  us  to  it. 
The  action  commenced  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing  and  lasted  five  successive  hours,  during  which 
we  fired  twelve  hundred  shot.  The  masts  of  both 
frigates  fell  overboard,  causing  in  their  fall  a  great 
number  of  accidents.  All  the  rigging  was  cut  to 
pieces  and  the  sails  torn  to  rags.  Towards  the  end 
of  the  action  we  were  within  pistol  shot.  We  had 
twenty  men  killed  and  forty  wounded.  The  Ameri 
cans  must  have  had  a  great  number  more,  since 
they  first  ceased  to  fire  and  left  the  field  of  battle. 
They  had  five  hundred  men  on  board.  We  were 
too  much  disabled  to  pursue  them.  The  passengers 
assisted  during  the  whole  of  the  action.  We  were 
eight  days  in  getting  to  Curacao,  completely  desti- 

1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  October  13, 16, 1800 ;  Port  Fo/i'o,,  March, 
1809,  p.  282. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          171 

tute  of  masts  and  sails.  We  heard  that  the  Con 
stellation  got  into  Jamaica."  1 

There  were  thirty-six  American  prisoners  on  the 
Vengeance  who  had  been  impressed  into  the  French 
service,  but  during  the  battle  they  were  allowed  to 
remain  below.  After  the  action  they  were  ordered 
on  deck  to  man  the  pumps.  One  of  these  Ameri 
cans,  David  Smith  of  Salem,  said  that  after  the 
Constellation's  mainmast  fell  the  Vengeance  fired 
three  or  four  shot  from  her  stern  guns.  "  In  the 
action  the  Vengeance  had  lost  her  mizzen-topmast. 
The  Americans  had  scarcely  got  to  the  pumps  when 
the  mainmast  fell  and  four  or  five  men,  who  were  in 
the  tops,  perished ;  Mr.  Smith  and  another  Ameri 
can  were  somewhat  hurt  by  its  fall.  Immediately 
after,  the  fore-topmast  fell,  with  the  loss  of  three 
men  who  were  upon  it.  The  fore  and  mizzen  masts 
were  very  badly  wounded  and  every  rope  in  the 
ship  was  cut  to  pieces  and  the  water  fast  making 
in  the  hold.  The  pumps  were  cleared  by  the  Ameri 
cans  as  fast  as  possible ;  and  the  fourth  day  after, 
they  arrived  at  Curracoa."  2 

Since  her  battle  with  the  Insurgente  the  Constel 
lation's  battery  had  been  changed.  She  now  carried 
twenty-eight  long  eighteen  s  on  the  gun  deck  and 
ten  twenty-four  pounder  carronades  on  the  quarter 
deck  and  forecastle.  The  Vengeance,  according  to 
the  estimate  of  a  "  highly  respectable  officer  who 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  August  1, 1800,  from  a  Paris  paper  of  May  10. 
a  Salem  Gazette,  March  25,  1800. 


172        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

was  on  board  of  the  Constellation  during  the  action," 
mounted  twenty-eight  long  eighteen  pounders,  six 
teen  twelves,  and  eight  forty-two  pounder  carron- 
ades.  The  account  of  James  Howe,  an  American  pris 
oner  on  the  Vengeance,  gives  her  thirty-two  eighteens 
on  the  gun  deck,  two  of  which  were  mounted  in  the 
stern,  twelve  thirty-six  pounder  brass  carronades 
with  four  long  twelves  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  six 
twelves  on  the  forecastle,  fifty-four  guns  in  all. 
Another  report,  said  to  be  "  an  accurate  statement," 
differs  from  the  last  only  in  the  number  of  thirty- 
six  pounders  and  twelves,  which  are  put  at  eight 
and  fourteen  respectively.  According  to  the  first 
and  lowest  of  these  estimates  the  Vengeance  threw 
at  each  broadside  five  hundred  and  sixteen  pounds 
of  metal  against  three  hundred  and  seventy-two 
pounds  thrown  by  the  Constellation  ;  and  the 
French  superiority  would  be  increased  by  about 
forty  pounds,  allowing  for  the  overweight  of  their 
shot.  The  Vengeance  was  therefore  decidedly  more 
powerful  than  the  Constellation.  The  crew  of  the 
latter  numbered  three  hundred  and  ten.  That  of 
the  Vengeance  has  been  variously  estimated.  Howe 
says  there  were  four  hundred  men,  including  the 
passengers,  who  were  all  mustered  at  quarters.  The 
Constellation  lost  fourteen  killed  and  twenty-five 
wounded,  of  whom  eleven  died  of  their  wounds. 
The  casualties  of  the  Vengeance  were  said  to  num 
ber  fifty  killed  and  one  hundred  and  ten  wounded. 

1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  72 ;  Nov.  Chron.  pp.  168,  169 ;  Cooper, 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          173 

The  Delaware  was  at  Curasao  when  the  Vengeance 
arrived,  and  her  commander,  Captain  Baker,  wrote 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  February  8  :  "  On  the 
5th  instant  appeared  off  this  harbor  a  French  ship 
of  52  guns,  called  La  Vengeance,  and  from  what  I 
can  learn  she  left  Guadaloupe  last  Sunday,  bound 
to  France  with  a  great  deal  of  money,  &c.,  on  board, 
and  also  two  French  generals  and  a  number  of  other 
officers  and  passengers;  but  on  Monday  evening 
she  was  overtaken  by  an  American  or  British  frigate 
(but  generally  believed  to  be  the  former)  and  from 
her  shattered  condition  she  must  have  had  a  very 
severe  action,  La  Vengeance  having  left  standing 
but  her  bowsprit,  fore  and  mizzen  mast;  her  fore 
and  mizzen  shrouds,  ratlings,  &c.,  being  cut  up  so 
that  you  could  scarce  see  any  of  them  for  stoppers. 
In  short  there  appears  no  place  that  has  escaped  a 
shot;  her  starboard  side  has  been  much  hulled 
and  it  is  said  she  had  140  killed  and  wounded,  and 
when  she  parted  she  had  eight  feet  water  in  her 
hold.  They  say  the  other  vessel  was  in  a  similar 
situation,  and  in  fact  that  neither  of  them  had  the 
command  of  their  ships.  The  French  ship  is  now 
hauled  up  in  the  harbor  and  will  require  some  months 
to  refit,  not  having  masts,  cordage,  &c.,  necessary 
for  that  purpose."  1 

A  private  letter  from  "  a  gentleman  who  was  in 

vol.  i,  p.  360 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  March  5, 22,  1800 ;  Boston  Com. 
Gazette,  May  5,  1800;  Truxtun's  report,  with  a  list  of  the  Con 
stellation's  casualties,  was  published  in  all  the  newspapers. 
1  Columbian  Centinel,  March  29,  1800. 


174        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Curracoa  at  the  time  L'Vengeance  arrived  there  " 
gives  some  additional  particulars.  "  I  have  the  pleas 
ure  to  inform  you  that  I  was  in  Curracoa  when  the 
French  national  frigate  L'Vengeance  arrived  at  that 
place,  very  much  shattered  and  scarcely  an  original 
rope  left.  Her  mainmast,  fore-topmast  and  mizzen- 
topmast  gone,  with  sixty-six  French  inches  of  water 
in  her  hold,  agreeable  to  her  commander's  own  ac 
count.  You  may  conceive  her  situation  in  respect 
to  equipment  when  she  was  purposely  run  on  shore 
to  windward  of  the  harbor  to  secure  her  entrance 
into  that  place.  She  had  fifty-two  guns  mounted 
and  supposed  to  have  had  nearly  600  men  includ 
ing  passengers.  Among  whom  were  Generals  Pel- 
lardie  and  Le  Grande,  with  a  number  of  artillery 
officers,  which  enabled  the  commander  to  station 
at  least  one  of  those  to  each  gun  during  the  action. 
I  was  in  the  habit  of  conversing  frequently  with 
Capt.  Pettot.  He  supposed  on  his  first  arrival  in 
Curracoa  it  was  an  English  ship  of  two  complete 
batteries  he  had  engaged,  and  concluded  from  not 
seeing  his  adversary  at  daylight  that  she  had  sunk. 
The  report  was  114  killed  and  wounded.  But  this 
must  be  incorrect,  as  I  am  well  assured  there  were 
more.  Capt.  Pettot  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  con 
duct  and  gallantry  of  his  adversary  and  describes 
in  raptures  the  vivid  fire  from  the  Constellation  as 
superior  to  anything  he  had  ever  seen;  his  own 
words  were  'Superbe  et  Grande,'  and  mentioned, 
when  the  flying  jib-boom  of  the  Constellation  rim 


THE  LAST   YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          175 

into  his  mizzen  shrouds,  he  supposed  his  adversary 
intended  to  board  and  called  all  his  men  upon  the 
upper  deck,  at  which  moment  he  received  a  shower 
of  grape.  When  Truxtun's  official  account  came 
out  he  said  nothing.  His  mainmast  went  away  in 
the  act  of  setting  studding  sails  and  about  two  hours 
after  the  action.  There  were  thirty-five  American 
prisoners  on  board,  who  he  said  saved  the  ship  by 
pumping  after  the  combat,  in  which  they  took  no 
active  part,  being  below  at  their  own  request.  He 
lamented  much  the  blood  that  had  been  spilt  be 
tween  two  nations  that  he  said  were  probably  then 
at  peace  and  good  friends  and  he  avoided  a  battle 
by  every  exertion  in  his  power.  On  his  mentioning 
this  circumstance  I  observed  that  the  action  could 
not  have  been  well  avoided  by  his  adversary.  Capt. 
Pettot  felt  as  an  officer  on  the  observation  and 
acknowledged  the  propriety  of  Truxtun's  conduct. 
The  sides  of  the  Vengeance  were  lined  with  shot, 
and  many  of  them  from  their  direction  I  suppose 
must  have  done  great  execution.  The  fore  and  miz- 
zenmasts  were  perforated  with  round  and  double 
headed  shot  in  such  a  manner  as  to  surprise  a  per 
son  how  they  could  hold  together." l 

Meanwhile  the  Constellation  had  been  making 
the  best  of  her  way  to  Jamaica.  The  day  after  the 
battle,  in  an  address  to  his  officers  and  crew,  Trux- 
tun  said :  "  I  feel  infinite  satisfaction  in  returning 
my  thanks  to  the  officers  of  every  description,  sea- 
1  Conn.  Courant,  August  18,  1800. 


176         OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

men,  marines,  and  others  for  the  gallantry  they 
displayed  on  this  occasion,  which  under  a  beneficent 
Providence  has  enabled  me  to  add  another  laurel 
to  the  American  character  on  the  records  of  the 
Navy ;  and  you  may  be  assured,  gentlemen,  seamen 
and  soldiers,  that  you  shall  be  properly  noticed  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States."  In  reply  the 
officers  and  men  presented  an  address  to  the  com 
modore.  1  February  3  the  Constellation  fell  in  with 
the  Enterprise,  ten  or  twelve  leagues  southwest  of 
St.  Croix,2  and  this  schooner  was  at  once  sent  to 
the  United  States  with  Truxtun's  dispatches.  The 
next  day  the  Insurgente,  on  her  way  to  Jamaica, 
overtook  the  Constellation  and  escorted  her  the  rest 
of  the  way.  Truxtun  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  from  Port  Royal,  February  12:  "I  arrived 
here  the  8th  iiist.  in  company  with  the  Insurgente, 
Capt.  Murray,  with  whom  I  fell  in  the  day  after  I 
wrote  you  by  Lieut.  Shaw.  Finding  it  impossible  to 
get  a  mainmast  here,  I  shall  use  every  dispatch  in 
my  power  to  put  the  Constellation  into  a  condition 
to  proceed  to  the  United  States.  I  have  met  a  kind 
and  friendly  reception  from  Admiral  Parker.  All 
the  British  post  captains  here  have  been  on  board 
the  Constellation  and  from  seeing  our  situation  ex 
press  every  sentiment  that  could  be  wished  by  those 
true  Americans  who  love  their  country  and  its 
honor  better  than  anything  else.  I  have  heard  no- 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  170 ;  Port  Folio,  March,  1809,  p.  278. 

2  Columbian  Centinel,  March  8,  1800,  log  of  the  Enterprise. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          177 

thing  of  the  French  fifty-four  gun  ship  since  the 
action.  It  is  hard  to  conjecture  whether  she  sunk  or 
whether  she  has  got  into  St.  Thomas  or  Curracoa."  * 

After  receiving  temporary  repairs  at  Jamaica  the 
Constellation  returned,  about  the  end  of  March,  to 
Norfolk,  where  she  was  refitted.  Meanwhile  Lieu 
tenant  Shaw,  on  February  23,  had  delivered  Trux- 
tun's  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  The  news 
was  greeted  with  delight  throughout  the  country. 
Truxtun  received  a  gold  medal  by  vote  of  Congress, 
and  that  body  resolved  "  that  the  conduct  of  James 
Jarvis,  a  midshipman  in  said  frigate  who  gloriously 
preferred  certain  death  to  an  abandonment  of  his 
post,  is  deserving  of  the  highest  praise,  and  that 
the  loss  of  so  promising  an  officer  is  a  subject  of  na 
tional  regret." 2 

The  Adams  was  a  fast  sailing  frigate  and  one 
of  the  successful  cruisers ;  she  took  six  vessels  from 
the  French  altogether.  Captain  Morris  in  his  re 
port  of  March  8,  1800,  tells  part  of  her  history. 
"  On  my  last  cruise,  which  commenced  on  the  24th 
of  January  and  expired  on  the  1st  of  March,  I 
recaptured  the  American  schooner  Isabella,  of  and 
from  Portland,  bound  to  Trinidad,  a  prize  to  the 
French  corvette  Le  Berceau,  and  captured  three 
French  privateers.  The  first,  Le  Gembeau,  a  small 
boat  with  four  swivels  and  nineteen  men.  The  second, 
L'Heureuse  Rencontre,  a  schooner  of  35  tons,  four 

1  Gazette  of  U.  8.  March  17,  1800. 

2  Nav.  Ckron.  p.  171. 


178        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

guns  and  fifty  men ;  she  had  taken  two  prizes  which 
reduced  her  to  29  men,  threw  three  of  her  guns, 
boat,  spars,  &c.,  over  in  the  chase.  The  other,  the 
General  Massena,  of  30  tons,  six  guns  and  49  men, 
thirty  hours  from  Guadaloupe,  had  taken  nothing ; 
threw  four  guns  and  boat  over  in  the  chase."  After 
the  departure  of  Truxtun,  Morris  commanded  the 
Guadeloupe  station  until  the  arrival  in  May  of  Cap 
tain  Decatur  in  the  Philadelphia,  36.  This  vessel 
was  a  new  frigate  built  by  the  citizens  of  Philadel 
phia  under  the  act  of  June  30, 1798  ;  she  was  after 
wards  destroyed  in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  by  the  son 
of  her  present  commander.  The  Adams  returned  to 
New  York  in  July,  1800.  In  October  she  was  or 
dered  to  San  Domingo.1 

Early  in  the  year  the  frigate  Boston  captured 
the  Deux  Anges  of  twenty  guns,  "  a  French  built, 
strong,  fast  sailing  corvette  letter  of  marque  of 
about  400  tons  "  ;  the  prize  was  sent  into  Newport. 
In  March  the  Boston  had  an  encounter  with  pica 
roons  in  the  Bight  of  Leogane.  Extracts  from  her 
log  give  a  meagre  outline  of  parts  of  her  cruise. 
"  March  4.  Off  Cape  Tiburon  boarded  the  French 
sloop  La  Fortune,  bound  to  St.  Jago,  took  out  a 
quantity  of  cash  and  dismissed  her.  March  11.  At 
4  p.  M.  saw  nine  barges,  full  of  men,  from  Go- 
naives ;  decoyed  them  by  running  in  the  guns.  When 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  165, 166, 174  ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  April  10, 1800 ; 
Conn.  Courant,  June  2,  1800 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  June  25,  July 
26, 30,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR         179 

within  shot,  a  fire  commenced  which  continued 
five  glasses.  Disabled  five  of  them,  when  the  others 
made  off.  March  23.  Off  Cape  Tiburon  boarded 
and  took  the  French  sloop  Happy  loaded  with  coffee, 
sent  her  to  Port  Republicain,  where  she  was  sold 
on  account  of  being  leaky."  The  Boston  left  the 
station  in  April  on  convoy  duty,  and  her  place  was 
taken  by  the  twenty-four  gun  ship  Trumbull.  After 
her  return  the  log  continues :  "  June  9.  Off  Go- 
naives  came  up  with  a  schooner  of  eight  guns  which 
showed  Danish  colors,  six  of  which  they  threw 
overboard.  Manned  her  from  the  U.  S.  schooner 
Experiment,  then  in  company,  and  sent  her  to  the 
Commodore  for  examination.  Capt.  Little  suspected 
she  was  bound  to  Jeremie.  June  21.  Off  Cape 
Donna  Maria  spoke  the  TJ.  S.  brig  Augusta,  Capt. 
McElroy."  Shortly  before  this,  on  June  3,  the 
Augusta  had  captured  two  French  schooners  off 
Jacmel.  "  June  24.  In  company  with  the  Augusta 
boarded  a  French  brig  from  Aux  Cayes  bound  to 
St.  Jago,  loaded  with  sugar.  Manned  her  and  put 
the  prisoners  on  board  the  Augusta.  June  25.  Be 
ing  off  Cape  Tiburon,  made  sail  for  Boston,  taking 
Havana  on  the  passage."  The  frigate  returned  to 
her  native  town  July  22.  She  had  been  away  a  year 
and  had  not  been  in  port  fifteen  days  in  that  time. 
The  health  of  her  crew  was  very  good  ;  she  had  had 
only  one  death.  "  The  Boston  anchored  in  the  stream 
off  the  end  of  Long  Wharf  and  saluted  the  town, 
which  was  answered  by  three  cheers  from  citizens 


180        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

on  Long  and  Hancock's  Wharf,  and  returned  by 
the  crew  of  the  frigate."  i 

The  General  Greene  remained  about  six  months 
on  the  San  Domingo  station.  One  of  her  officers 
wrote  from  Cape  Francois  April  14,  1800 :  "  On 
our  leaving  this  place  in  January  last  we  were 
ordered  by  Commodore  Talbot  to  make  a  cruise 
round  Hispaniola,  from  which  we  returned  but  a 
few  days  since ;  not  that  it  would  have  required 
half  that  time  to  have  performed  the  route,  but  for 
the  purpose  of  aiding  General  Toussaint  in  the 
capture  of  Jacmel.  We  cruised  off  that  port  a 
considerable  time,  to  intercept  supplies  for  Bigaud. 
This  had  the  desired  effect.  Jacmel,  closely  be 
sieged  on  the  land  side  by  Toussaint's  army  and 
blockaded  by  the  General  Greene,  was  reduced  to 
a  state  of  starvation.  As  a  last  effort  they  made  a 
desperate  sally  in  the  night  with  intention  to  force 
Toussaint's  lines,  but  failed  in  the  attempt,  and  the 
whole  garrison,  consisting  of  more  than  5000  men, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Toussaint.  The  capture  of 
Jacmel  is  of  infinite  importance  to  the  commerce  of 
the  United  States  to  this  island,  as  in  the  general 
opinion  it  will  much  facilitate  the  entire  reduction 
of  Rigaud's  power.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to 
describe  to  you  the  manner  in  which  Toussaint 
expressed  his  gratitude  to  Captain  Perry  on  the 
occasion.  We  engaged  three  of  Rigaud's  forts 
warmly  for  30  or  40  minutes,  in  which  time  we 

1  Columbian  Centind,  March  5,  May  3,  June  4,  July  16,  23,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          181 

obliged  the  enemy  to  evacuate  the  town  and  two 
of  the  forts  and  repair  to  their  strongest  hold ;  this 
fort  however  soon  hauled  down  its  colors.  We  had 
got  our  boats  out  ready  to  take  possession  of  the 
place  and  a  number  of  Rigaud's  cruising  vessels  and 
barges  in  the  harbor,  when  a  large  ship  hove  in  sight, 
which  from  her  appearance  Captain  Perry  and  his 
officers  judged  to  be  a  French  frigate.  It  was  there 
upon  thought  prudent  to  relinquish  the  enterprise 
and  go  in  pursuit  of  her;  but  on  speaking  her 
found  she  was  indeed  a  French  built  ship,  but  then 
in  possession  of  the  British  and  cruising  in  their 
service.  The  damage  we  received  was  very  incon 
siderable  ;  a  few  shot  in  our  sides  and  some  of  our 
rigging  cut  away.  The  enemy  had  several  men 
killed  and  wounded."  Jacmel  fell  February  27. l 

Soon  after  this  the  General  Greene  was  ordered 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River.  General 
Wilkinson,  who  commanded  the  army  in  the  west, 
had  been  summoned  east  in  1799  to  confer,  with 
General  Hamilton  upon  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
southwest.  Early  in  1800  Wilkinson  had  returned 
to  New  Orleans  in  the  Patapsco,  and  the  General 
Greene  was  now  sent  to  bring  him  north  again  with 
his  family.  Having  received  him  on  board,  she  sailed 
for  Havana  with  a  brig  under  convoy.  On  the  way 
she  fell  in  with  a  British  seventy-four,  and  Captain 
Perry,  it  is  said,  resisted  in  a  spirited  manner  the 
proposed  forcible  examination  of  the  brig  by  the 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  May  27, 1800 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  May  3, 1800. 


182         OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Englishman.  From  Havana  the  General  Greene 
sailed  for  Newport  with  a  convoy,  and  arrived  at 
that  place  in  July ;  she  cruised  no  more  during  the 
war.1 

In  the  spring  of  1800  the  Constitution  was  still 
the  flagship  of  the  San  Domingo  squadron.  Her 
most  notable  exploit  during  the  war  was  sending  a 
cutting  out  expedition  into  the  Spanish  harbor  of 
Porto  Plata,  on  the  north  coast  of  San  Domingo. 
Lieutenant  Hull  was  ordered  to  proceed  "to  Port 
Plate  and  there  endeavor  to  capture  a  French  ship 
lying  at  anchor"  and  "bring  her  out  to  sea  if  prac 
ticable,  otherwise  to  burn  and  destroy  her  in  port." 
The  people  of  the  town  were  to  be  molested  no 
more  than  was  imperatively  necessary.  Commodore 
Talbot  says  in  his  report  of  May  12 :  "I  have  for 
some  time  been  meditating  an  enterprise  against  a 
French  armed  ship  lying  at  Port  Plate,  protected 
by  her  own  guns  and  a  fort  of  three  heavy  cannon. 
It  was  my  first  intention  to  have  gone  in  with  the 
Constitution  and  to  have  silenced  the  fort  and  ship, 
which  has  all  her  guns  on  one  side  to  cooperate 
with  the  fort  in  defending  against  hostile  force; 
but  after  the  best  information  I  could  gain,  I  found 
it  to  be  somewhat  dangerous  to  approach  the  en 
trance  of  the  harbor  with  a  ship  of  the  draft  of 
water  of  the  Constitution.  Having  detained  the 

1  Perry,  vol.  ii,  pp.  43-48 ;  Memoirs  of  General  James  Wilkinson, 
vol.  ii,  ch.  xi ;  Columbian  Centinel,  April  5,  1800  ;  Mass.  Mercury, 
July  25,  1800;  Federal  Gazette,  July  24,  1800. 


ISAAC    HULL 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          183 

sloop  Sally,  which  had  left  Port  Plate  but  a  few 
days  before  and  was  to  have  returned  there  previ 
ous  to  her  sailing  for  the  United  States,  I  con 
ceived  that  this  sloop  would  be  a  suitable  vessel 
for  a  disguise.  I  therefore  manned  her  at  sea  from 
the  Constitution  with  about  ninety  brave  seamen 
and  marines,  the  latter  to  be  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Carmick  and  Lieutenant  Amory,  when  on 
shore  ;  but  the  entire  command  I  gave  to  Mr.  Isaac 
Hull,  my  first  lieutenant,  who  entered  the  harbor 
of  Port  Plate  yesterday  in  open  day  with  his  men 
in  the  hold  of  the  sloop,  except  five  or  six  to 
work  her  in.  They  ran  along  side  of  the  ship  and 
boarded  her  sword  in  hand  without  the  loss  of  a 
man,  killed  or  wounded.  At  the  moment  the  ship 
was  boarded,  agreeably  to  my  plan,  Captain  Car 
mick  and  Lieutenant  Amory  landed  with  the  ma 
rines  up  to  their  necks  in  water  and  spiked  all  the 
cannon  in  the  fort  before  the  commanding  officer 
had  time  to  recollect  and  prepare  himself  for  de 
fense.  Perhaps  no  enterprise  of  the  same  moment 
was  ever  better  executed,  and  I  feel  myself  under 
great  obligations  to  Lieutenant  Hull,  Captain  Car 
mick,  and  Lieutenant  Amory  for  their  avidity  in 
undertaking  the  scheme  I  had  planned  and  for  the 
handsome  manner  and  great  address  with  which 
they  performed  this  daring  adventure.  The  ship, 
I  understand,  mounts  four  sixes  and  two  nines. 
She  was  formerly  the  British  packet  Sandwich, 
and  from  the  boasting  publications  at  the  cape 


184        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

and  the  declaration  of  the  officers,  she  is  one  of 
the  fastest  sailers  that  swims.  She  ran  three  or 
four  years  (if  I  forget  not)  as  a  privateer  out  of 
France  and  with  greater  success  than  any  other 
that  ever  sailed  out  of  their  ports.  She  is  a  beau 
tiful  copper  bottomed  ship."  1 

One  of  the  officers  of  the  expedition,  evidently 
Captain  Carmick,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  dated 
May  12,  says :  "  Capt.  Talbot  has  put  his  plans 
into  execution  respecting  the  cutting  out  the  ship. 
I  performed  my  part  with  very  little  trouble.  The 
only  disagreeable  part  of  the  business  was  being 
cooped  up  in  a  small  vessel  for  12  hours  —  for  we 
fortunately  took  a  small  American  vessel  that  had 
been  in  the  port  a  few  days  before  and  was  to  re 
turn  there  in  a  short  time.  By  this  means  it  was 
easy  to  take  the  vessel  by  surprise ;  it  put  me  in 
mind  of  the  wooden  horse  at  Troy.  We  all  re 
mained  below  until  we  received  orders  from  the 
officer,  the  only  one  of  us  who  remained  on  the 
deck  of  the  sloop,  whose  business  it  was  to  lay  us 
on  board,  which  he  did  on  the  starboard  bow.  The 
men  went  on  board  like  devils  and  it  was  as  much 
as  the  first  lieutenant  and  myself  could  do  to  pre 
vent  blood  being  spilt.  I  believe  it  was  not  half  an 
hour  after  the  ship  was  taken  that  I  had  possession 
of  the  fort  and  all  the  cannon  spiked  and  returned 
again  on  board  the  prize  before  they  could  get  any 
succors  from  the  city.  I  presume  they  were  rather 
1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  171, 172. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          185 

surprised  when  they  found  the  cannon  spiked ;  we 
had  then  possession  of  the  harbor.  We  took  our 
time  to  rig  the  ship,  as  she  had  her  topmasts  down 
and  all  her  sails  unbent.  By  6  o'clock  the  lieu 
tenant  had  everything  in  order  and  the  men  sta 
tioned  at  the  cannon,  ready  with  my  marines  to 
oppose  all  their  force,  which  we  understood  was 
about  500  men.  They  sent  several  flags  of  truce 
making  different  requests,  to  which  we  answered 
that  we  had  only  executed  the  orders  of  our  com 
mander.  On  shore  they  were  not  ignorant  that  it 
was  impossible  for  us  to  get  out  until  the  land 
breeze  came  off,  which  you  know  is  in  the  morn 
ing.  He  concluded  we  must  have  been  pretty  de 
termined  before  we  undertook  the  business,  as  we 
had  no  other  alternative  than  to  die  or  succeed. 
He  however  remained  very  quiet,  and  we  came 
out  in  the  morning  and  joined  our  commodore. 
The  night  before  we  performed  this  business,  in 
going  to  Port  Plate  we  were  met  at  12  o'clock  at 
night  by  an  English  frigate  who  fired  two  shot  and 
brought  us  to ;  we  went  on  board  and  after  exam 
ining  us  we  proceeded.  We  suspected  he  was  going 
on  the  same  business  we  were  upon  ;  he  will  peep 
into  the  harbor  La  Plate  to-day  and  find  his  plan 
frustrated."  l 

It  was  about  noon  when  Hull  took  possession  of 
the  Sandwich,  and  he  found  her  completely  stripped 
of  sails  and  rigging,  which  were  stored  below ;  only 
1  Gazette  of  U.  S.  June  2, 1800. 


186        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

her  lower  masts  were  standing.  By  sunset  she  was 
fully  rigged,  and  only  waiting  for  a  breeze  to  take 
her  out  of  the  harbor.  This  capture  was  considered 
important,  but  unfortunately  it  was  illegal,  as  the 
neutrality  of  a  Spanish  port  had  been  violated. 
The  prize  was  sent  to  New  York,  but  it  was  after 
wards  necessary  to  give  her  up.1 

The  civil  war  in  San  Domingo  continued  through 
out  the  spring.  With  the  loss  of  Jacmel  Eigaud's 
power  began  to  wane,  but  Toussaint  labored  under 
many  difficulties  and  was  unable  to  push  his  ad 
vantage  vigorously.  In  a  letter  to  Commodore  Tal- 
bot  he  says :  "  What  I  have  said  of  the  services 
rendered  to  me  by  the  frigate  General  Greene  dur 
ing  the  siege  of  Jaquemel  is  very  sincere,  and  it  is 
agreeable  to  me  to  repeat  it.  I  pay  with  thankful 
ness  as  well  you,  sir,  as  Captain  Perry.  Your  good 
intentions  for  the  prosperity  of  this  colony,  and 
that  of  your  government,  loads  me  with  satisfac 
tion.  I  beg  of  you  to  continue  them  and  to  be 
convinced  of  my  zeal  in  keeping  the  harmony  which 
so  happily  exists  between  the  two  nations.  ...  I 
should  have  seen  you  with  pleasure  cruising  with 
the  Constitution  on  the  station  of  the  south ;  since 
you  have  reasons  of  such  a  nature  as  to  prevent 
you  coming  that  way,  I  depend  upon  your  promise 
that  you  will  consult  the  Consul-general,  Stevens, 
in  order  that  means  may  be  taken  to  get  succor  to 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  172 ;  Putnam's  Magazine,  May,  1853,  p.  477 ; 
Columbian  Centinel,  June  4,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          187 

our  army.  On  my  part  I  will  communicate  to  him 
iny  plan  on  the  subject  and  point  him  out  my  want. 
.  .  .  At  this  moment  the  army  of  Jaquemel  is  in 
motion  and  surely  it  is  in  want.  I  am  going  to 
write  to  Mr.  Stevens,  who  no  doubt  will  communi 
cate  to  you  my  letter  and  what  I  want.  .  .  .  You 
inform  me,  and  I  learn  it  with  joy,  that  you  have 
given  orders  to  the  ship  Herald,  of  twenty  guns, 
to  join  the  brig  Augusta  and  the  schooner  Experi 
ment.  .  .  .  Lieutenant  Russell  may  be  assured,  al 
though  I  may  not  be  present,  he  will  obtain  from  the 
general  and  commandant  what  he  may  ask,  either 
coasting  pilots  or  anything  else.  I  have  already 
given  orders  in  consequence  of  it.  You  flatter  me 
with  the  hope  that  you  are  going  shortly  to  send 
the  Boston  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns  ;  may  you 
soon  be  able  to  realize  it.  ...  It  remains,  sir,  to 
beg  of  you  to  recommend  to  the  captains  of  vessels 
of  your  nation,  that  are  going  to  cruise  on  the 
south  side,  to  let  pass  freely  the  French  vessels 
that  have  a  passport  signed  by  the  Consul-general, 
Stevens,  or  by  me.  .  .  .  On  my  part  I  have  al 
ready  given  the  most  strict  orders  that  the  most 
perfect  understanding  and  intelligence  may  exist 
amongst  all  the  cruising  vessels,  both  schooners 
and  barges."  l 

About  May  1  Rigaud  was  obliged  to  evacuate 
two  of  the  ports  he  had  held  on  the  Bight  of  Leo- 
gane.  This  put  a  check  to  the  "career  of  those 

1  Talbot,  pp.  121-125. 


188        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

piratical  barges  which  have  infested  the  Bite,  as 
they  are  now  deprived  of  a  port  in  the  vicinity  of 
Gonaive  to  fit  out  and  resort  to."  1  Rigaud  still 
held  out,  retaining  possession  of  Jeremie  and  of 
Aux  Cayes  and  one  or  two  other  ports  on  the 
south  coast.  In  July,  however,  his  resources  had 
come  to  an  end  and  he  was  forced  to  capitulate. 
The  only  terms  that  Toussaint  would  grant  required 
Rigaud's  immediate  departure  from  the  island,  and 
this  was  agreed  to.  Before  the  end  of  the  month 
Aux  Cayes  was  thrown  open  to  Toussaint 's  army.2 
The  American  consul  at  Port  Republican!  wrote, 
August  12:  "The  whole  island  has  submitted  to 
Toussaint.  Rigaud  and  a  few  of  his  officers  have 
left  in  a  boat.  .  .  .  Everything  appears  to  be  favor 
able  to  our  commerce  and  opens  a  new  channel  for 
trade."  3 

Meanwhile  Commodore  Talbot  had  been  relieved 
of  his  command  of  the  squadron  by  Captain  Murray 
in  the  Constellation.  The  Trumbull,  Herald,  and 
Augusta  were  on  the  station  at  that  time.  Talbot 
sailed  for  home  with  a  convoy  July  24,  having 
received  letters  from  Consul  Stevens  and  from 
American  merchants  at  Cape  Francois,  express 
ing  appreciation  of  his  services  and  regret  at  his 
departure.  He  arrived  at  Boston  in  the  Consti- 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  June  17,  1800. 

2  Salem  Gazette,  September  5,  1800. 

8  Columbian  Centinel,  September  24,  1800.  For  letters  concern 
ing  operations  of  the  opposing  forces,  etc.,  see  Federal  Gazette, 
July  23,  August  11,  14,  15,  September  17,  October  30, 1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          189 

tution  August  24.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
wrote  to  him  September  3:  "Your  feelings  as  a 
military  man  might  have  been  more  gratified  had 
opportunities  been  afforded  you  of  engaging  in 
scenes  of  greater  brilliancy,  but  no  services  you 
could  have  rendered  would  have  been  more  useful 
or  more  important  to  your  country  than  those  you 
have  meritoriously  performed  in  protecting  with 
effect  a  great  proportion  of  our  commerce,  in  lay 
ing  the  foundation  of  a  permanent  trade  with  St. 
Domingo,  and  in  causing  the  American  character 
to  be  respected,  by  the  just,  temperate,  and  judi 
cious  course  by  which  your  conduct  has  been 
marked."  l 

The  Constellation,  having  been  refitted  at  Nor 
folk  after  her  return  from  Jamaica  in  the  spring, 
had  been  placed  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Murray  and  sent  to  sea.  She  arrived  at  St.  Chris 
topher  June  21,  and  during  a  few  weeks'  cruis 
ing  on  the  Guadeloupe  station  recaptured  three 
prizes  from  the  French.  One  of  these  Murray  be 
lieved  to  be  an  American  engaged  in  illicit  trade, 
but  she  turned  out  to  be  Danish  property,  and  was 
declared  by  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  not 
forfeitable.  At  that  time  there  were  more  than 
sixty  French  privateers  in  the  vicinity  of  Guade 
loupe.  In  July  the  Constellation  was  ordered  to 
San  Domingo  to  relieve  the  Constitution.  She 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  173 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  August  20,  27, 1800 ; 
Boston  Com.  Gazette,  September  4,  1SOO. 


190        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

cruised  off  Cape  Francis,  in  the  hope  of  capturing 
three  French  vessels  which  were  expected  soon  to 
leave  port.  Murray  also  hoped  to  intercept  the 
French  frigate  Vengeance  when  she  left  Curasao, 
having  heard  she  was  nearly  ready  for  sea.  He 
found  the  English  troublesome,  and  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy:  "We  have  no  enemy  so 
much  to  be  shunned  in  this  quarter  as  the  British, 
for  they  blockade  all  the  passages  and,  fair  or  foul, 
let  few  of  our  vessels  pass  them,  if  they  have 
cargoes  of  value,  and  send  them  for  Jamaica, 
where  the  venality  of  the  Admiralty  Court  gives 
no  quarter.  How  long  we  are  to  bear  with  these 
aggravations  I  leave  to  wiser  heads  than  mine  to 
determine,  but  I  confess  I  think  we  stand  upon 
very  critical  grounds  with  them;  but  as  Admiral 
Parker  is  now  gone  home,  let  us  hope  for  a  favor 
able  change  of  measures."  1 

Captain  Bainbridge  having  brought  the  brig 
Norfolk  from  Havana  to  New  York  in  April,  she 
was  refitted,  put  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Cal- 
vert,  and  in  June  sailed  for  Carthagena.  On  the  way 
she  fell  in  with  two  French  privateers.  The  first 
one  escaped  with  her  sweeps,  the  wind  being  light. 
The  other  was  a  schooner  of  fourteen  guns  and  also 
escaped,  after  an  action  of  half  an  hour,  in  which 
Cal  vert  was  severely  wounded.  The  Norfolk  remained 
at  Carthagena  fifteen  days  and  then  proceeded  to 

1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  September  4, 1800 ;  Cranch,  vol.  ii,  p.  64  ; 
Murray's  Letter  Book,  85  (July  31, 1800). 


ALEXANDER    MURRAY 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          191 

Capo  Francois,  where  she  arrived  July  30.  Accord 
ing  to  Murray  she  "brought  such  unfavorable  ac 
counts  from  thence  of  the  piratical  work  going  on 
in  that  quarter  and  corroborated  by  letters  from  vari 
ous  respectable  masters  and  supercargoes  of  vessels 
there  .  .  .  that  I  have  determined  to  send  her  back 
without  delay  to  take  them  under  convoy  .  .  .  and 
to  proceed  on  to  America  with  them."  1 

On  August  3  the  Trumbull,  Captain  Jewett,  cap 
tured  the  French  schooner  Vengeance,  of  eight  guns, 
off  Jeremie.  She  had  run  out  of  that  place  when 
Toussaint's  troops  took  possession.  There  were  a 
hundred  and  thirty  persons  on  board,  including  pas 
sengers,  among  whom  were  many  of  Rigaud's  offi 
cers  ;  also  women  and  children.  Murray  described 
them  as  "of  the  vilest  cast,  a  set  of  lawless  vaga 
bonds  that  the  community  will  be  well  rid  of  in  this 
part  of  the  world."  The  Trumbull  and  her  prize, 
with  the  prisoners,  were  sent  to  New  London.  The 
Vengeance  was  condemned,  but  on  the  ground  that 
she  was  a  national  vessel  she  was  given  up  under  the 
treaty  soon  afterwards  concluded  with  France.2 

The  Constellation  remained  on  the  station  until 
about  the  middle  of  September,  when  having  been 
relieved  by  the  Congress,  she  sailed  homeward  by 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  April  23,  September  24,  1800 ;  Independ 
ent  Chronicle,  September  8,  1800  ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  85. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  p.  185 ;  Magazine  of  American  History,  March, 
1885,  pp.  257,  258 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  September  23,  1800 ;  Conn. 
Courant,  October  20,  1800 ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  97  (August  21, 
1800). 


192        OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

way  of  Havana.  Upon  taking  leave  Murray  received 
a  letter  from  Toussaint  acknowledging  "  a  grateful 
sense  of  the  marks  of  kindness  and  civility  you  have 
been  pleased  to  show  me  " ;  and  expressing  regret 
that  some  of  the  prisoners  taken  by  the  Trumbull 
had  not  been  turned  over  to  him.  On  her  run  to 
Havana  through  the  Old  Bahama  Channel  the  Con 
stellation  got  among  shoals.  The  captain  passed 
three  anxious  days  and  says  he  "  often  saw  the  bot 
tom  under  the  ship  when  no  other  land  was  to  be 
seen."  Murray  was  handsomely  entertained  at  Ha 
vana  by  the  governor  of  Cuba.  The  frigate  arrived 
in  Delaware  Bay  about  October  10.1 

In  the  early  spring  the  Norfolk  and  Warren 
were  on  the  Havana  station,  and  there  were  said  to 
be  no  French  on  the  north  side  of  Cuba.  The  Nor 
folk  sailed  for  New  York  with  a  convoy  in  April. 
The  Ganges  was  at  Carthagena  about  this  time, 
and  later  cruised  off  the  north  coast  of  Cuba.  In 
July  she  blockaded  a  French  privateer  in  the  har 
bor  of  Matanzas.  On  the  28th  the  privateer  ran 
out,  was  chased  by  the  Ganges,  and  was  run  ashore 
by  her  crew,  who  escaped.  The  vessel  was  not  in 
jured  and  was  hauled  off  by  the  Ganges.  Captain 
Mullowny  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  July 
30 :  "I  am  happy  to  think  the  coast  is  clear  once 
more.  I  know  of  no  privateers  here  at  present." 
In  September  the  Ganges  and  Warren  returned  to 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  November  15,  1800 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  No 
vember  11, 1800;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  117  (October  12,  1800). 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          193 

the  United  States,  each  with  yellow  fever  on  board. 
Captain  Newman  of  the  Warren  and  more  than 
forty  of  his  officers  and  crew  died  of  the  fever.1 

Meanwhile  the  Guadeloupe  station  had  been  a 
scene  of  activity  during  the  winter  and  spring 
of  1800  by  reason  of  the  irrepressible  privateers 
which  swarmed  in  those  seas.  It  appears,  however, 
that  not  only  were  many  of  them  captured,  but 
a  large  proportion  if  not  a  majority  of  the  prizes 
taken  by  them  were  recaptured  by  the  vigilant 
American  cruisers.  The  Baltimore  took  a  privateer 
in  January  and  another  in  June,  and  recaptured 
two  American  vessels.  The  John  Adams  cruised  off 
Porto  Rico  early  in  the  winter.  Four  of  her  officers 
who  went  ashore  to  buy  provisions  were  detained 
by  Spanish  soldiers  until  Captain  Cross  made  a  vig 
orous  protest  to  the  governor.  In  March  the  John 
Adams  recaptured  two  American  vessels,  and  April 
3,  near  Martinique,  after  a  chase  of  four  hours,  she 
captured  the  French  privateer  "  La  Jason,  having 
fifty  men  and  eight  carriage  guns,  six  of  which  she 
hove  overboard  during  the  chase."  2  In  June  the 
John  Adams  took  another  privateer  and  the  Con 
necticut  took  two.  The  Eagle  and  Pickering  like 
wise  took  prizes.  There  were  also  on  this  station  the 
Philadelphia,  Adams,  Merrimack,  Maryland,  Dela- 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  April  23,  26,  30,  September  17,  1800 ; 
Conn.  Courant,  September  1,  1800;  Salem  Gazette,  September  12, 
1800. 

a  Conn.  Courant,  June  2,  1800. 


194        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ware,  Patapsco,  Enterprise,  and  Scammel.  Curasao 
and  Surinam  came  within  the  limits  of  the  station. 
Convoying  merchantmen,  often  in  large  fleets,  to 
home  ports  or  into  safe  latitudes,  was  one  of  the 
most  important  duties  of  the  squadron.  The  navy 
agent  at  St.  Christopher  stated,  June  27,  that  there 
were  only  fifteen  American  prisoners  at  Guadeloupe, 
and  these  he  was  about  to  release  by  exchange.  At 
the  same  time  there  were  a  hundred  and  eighty 
French  prisoners  at  St.  Christopher.1 

In  December,  1799,  Captain  Kodgers  in  the  Mary 
land  had  been  left  in  charge  of  American  interests 
at  Surinam  by  the  departure  of  Captain  McNeill. 
The  Maryland  was  alone  on  this  station  for  many 
months,  under  orders  "  to  protect  the  trade  to  Sur 
inam  and  the  rest  of  the  coast  as  far  to  leeward  as 
Curracoa."  She  generally  cruised  to  windward,  and 
in  all  that  time  she  fell  in  with  no  French.  The 
British  being  in  possession  of  Surinam,  the  French 
kept  at  a  distance;  moreover,  even  if  they  took 
prizes  in  that  vicinity  they  could  not  get  them  into 
Cayenne  on  account  of  a  strong  current  setting  to 
leeward.  Few  American  vessels  came  to  Surinam 
at  this  time,  for  British  restrictions  on  trade  made 
it  unprofitable.  An  American  slaver  went  into  Sur 
inam  and  sold  her  slaves  there,  in  spite  of  Rodgers's 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  165, 166 ;  Conn.  Journal,  February  20,  March 
13,  August  6,  1800 ;  Conn.  Courant,  June  2,  July  28,  August  4, 
September  1, 1800 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  March  22,  May  3,  June  25, 
July  26,  30,  August  13, 1800 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  September  5,  1800  ; 
Boston  Com.  Gazette,  July  28,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          195 

request  of  the  governor  that  he  deliver  the  vessel 
into  his  hands  or  order  her  to  sea ;  this  traffic  was 
contrary  to  the  laws  of  Surinam  as  well  as  of  the 
United  States.  Rodgers  was  mortified  at  his  lack  of 
success  in  meeting  the  enemy.  The  only  vessel  taken 
on  the  station  was  a  Portuguese  brig,  recaptured. 
Two  or  three  convoys  were  escorted  to  safe  latitudes, 
and  in  August  the  Maryland  started  home  with  a 
fleet  of  twelve,  which  at  St.  Thomas  had  increased 
to  fifty-two  American  vessels  and  several  English. 
At  Martinique  the  Maryland  was  joined  by  the 
Eagle.  At  St.  Christopher  the  Portuguese  brig  was 
seized  by  order  of  the  British  admiralty  court. 
September  2  Rodgers  took  an  American  ship  for 
trading  with  the  French  under  Swedish  colors. 
After  being  delayed  by  a  hurricane,  the  fleet  sailed 
from  St.  Thomas  September  10.  The  Maryland  was 
bound  for  Baltimore.1 

In  spite  of  the  difficulties  of  navigation  on  the 
South  American  coast,  spoken  of  by  Rodgers,  the 
French  cruised  to  some  extent  out  of  Cayenne, 
mostly  on  the  coast  of  Brazil  and  to  the  northward 
and  eastward.2  American  vessels  seem  to  have 
been  taken  occasionally,  and  the  circumstances  in 
which  their  crews  found  themselves  are  indicated  in 
an  account  of  conditions  there  in  the  summer  of 
1800.  "The  Americans  are  not  considered  as  pris- 

1  Miscellaneous  Letters,  vol.  i,  146,  Rodgers  to  Stoddert  (Sep 
tember  20,  1800). 

2  Misc.  Letters,  vol.  i,  146. 


196        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

oners  at  Cayenne;  of  course  no  allowance  is  given 
them  nor  are  they  entitled  to  an  exchange.  How 
ever,  for  the  preservation  of  their  health  and  good 
order  in  town,  they  are  kept  on  board  a  prison  ship 
with  a  few  soldiers  over  them  to  act  in  the  treble 
capacity  of  guards,  physicians,  and  sextons." 1 

American  interests  in  the  Dutch  island  of  Cu- 
racjao  had  long  needed  watching  over,  and  one  or 
more  cruisers  had  been  kept  there  most  of  the 
time  since  the  summer  of  1799,  when  an  American 
schooner  had  been  captured  by  a  French  privateer 
fitted  out  there,  and  her  captain  with  some  of  his 
crew  had  been  murdered.  For  this  outrage  com 
plaint  had  been  made  to  the  Dutch  minister  in  the 
United  States.2  The  Patapsco,  Captain  Geddes, 
was  ordered  to  Curasao  in  May,  1800,  and  went 
from  St.  Christopher  by  way  of  Porto  Kico ;  on 
the  passage  she  captured  a  small  schooner  of  doubt 
ful  nationality.  She  was  at  Curagao  in  June,  but 
seems  not  to  have  stayed  long,  and  for  a  while 
American  property  there  was  without  protection. 
July  23  a  French  force  from  Guadeloupe,  consist 
ing  of  two  brigs  and  three  schooners  with  fourteen 
hundred  sailors  and  soldiers,  appeared  off  Curacao ; 
several  additional  vessels  joined  them  later.  The 
French  frigate  Vengeance  was  still  there,  and  it  was 
thought  that  her  crew  might  unite  with  the  new 
comers;  but  she  was  ready  for  sea  and  sailed  not 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  October  3,  1800. 

2  Pickering,  vol.  xi,  555,  620,  vol.  xii,  5,  133,  185,  vol.  xiii,  366. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          197 

long  afterwards.  The  force  from  Guadeloupe  landed, 
and  the  commander  made  several  demands,  includ 
ing  the  surrender  of  the  forts,  which  the  governor 
refused.  The  town  was  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
many  people  retired  into  the  interior  of  the  island. 
The  French  seem  to  have  remained  quiet  for  sev 
eral  weeks  and  maintained  good  discipline.1 

September  5,  having  been  reinforced,  the  French 
began  offensive  operations,  took  possession  of  one 
of  the  forts,  and  "intimated  their  designs,  by  a 
manifesto,  against  American  persons  and  property." 
The  next  day  the  United  States  consul,  Phillips, 
requested  an  American  named  Robinson  to  go  to 
St.  Christopher  for  assistance.  Arriving  at  that 
place  on  the  14th,  Robinson  found  the  John  Ad 
ams,  Merrimack,  and  Patapsco,  and  returned  with 
the  two  latter,  appearing  off  Curacao  on  the  22d. 
Meanwhile  the  British  frigate  Nereid  had  arrived, 
and  on  the  10th  the  governor  had  signed  articles 
of  capitulation  with  her  captain,  placing  the  island 
under  British  protection ;  but  the  French  still  con 
trolled  the  situation,  and  the  Nereid  did  nothing 
beyond  landing  a  small  number  of  marines.  When 
the  Merrimack  and  Patapsco  arrived,  the  governor 
and  the  American  consul  were  on  board  the  Nereid. 
The  French  held  two  forts,  were  besieging  the  town, 
and  hatl  demanded  its  surrender  within  twenty-four 
hours.  Their  vessels,  fifteen  in  number,  were  lying 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  August  26,  September  9, 12, 1800 ;  Conn.  Cour- 
ant,  August  4, 1800 ;  Conn.  Journal,  August  6,  November  20, 1800. 


198        OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

close  under  the  forts.  Several  Americans  in  the 
town  had  volunteered  to  serve  in  the  defenses. 
After  consultation  it  was  decided  that  the  only 
means  of  saving  the  town  and  protecting  Ameri 
can  interests  would  be  to  send  one  of  the  vessels 
into  the  harbor.  The  Patapsco,  with  twenty  of  the 
Merrimack's  marines  on  board,  went  into  the  har 
bor  September  23.  A  landing  party  commanded  by 
the  Patapsco's  lieutenant  of  marines  supported  one 
of  the  batteries  in  the  town.1 

A  letter  from  one  of  the  Patapsco's  officers  says  : 
"At  five  in  the  evening  we  stood  in,  when  the 
French  opened  a  quick  and  well-directed  fire  upon 
us  from  a  fort  of  two  18,  one  12,  and  two  9  pounders 
within  half  pistol  shot,  and  from  the  windows  and 
roofs  of  the  houses  in  the  L'Ortha  Banda,  which 
was  filled  with  the  enemy's  troops,  who  kept  up  a 
constant  fire  of  musketry,  which  was  as  warmly  re 
turned  from  the  cannon  and  muskets  of  the  Patap 
sco  ;  and  those  deluded  people  who  escaped  death 
returned  to  their  camps,  but  at  intervals  engaged 
us  all  night,  which  we  returned  from  our  great  guns." 
Of  the  Americans  two  only  were  wounded,  while 
the  French  loss  was  believed  to  have  been  large. 
All  the  next  day  the  French  kept  up  a  constant 
fire,  and  it  was  reported  that  they  would  assault 
the  town,  but  instead  they  evacuated  their  batteries 

1  Federal  Gazette,  December  24,  1800,  Robinson  to  Stoddert ; 
Conn.  Journal,  November  20,  1800  ;  Salem  Gazette,  December  2, 
1800. 


THE   LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          199 

and  embarked  precipitously  during  the  night.  The 
next  morning,  the  25th,  the  Merrimack  stood  in  and 
found  the  French  vessels  gone.  The  Nereid  then 
ventured  in  and  took  possession,  and  the  capitula 
tion  went  into  effect.  It  was  clear  that  the  Ameri 
cans  had  saved  the  town,  and  that  if  they  had  not 
appeared  the  French  would  have  taken  possession. 
The  British  captain  promised  to  protect  American 
interests,  but  his  promises  were  not  fulfilled.  The 
Merrimack  and  Patapsco  sailed  October  11  and 
returned  to  St.  Christopher.  One  of  the  vessels  be 
longing  to  this  expedition  from  Guadeloupe  was 
afterwards  captured  by  the  Merrimack.1 

The  schooner  Enterprise,  after  having  brought 
home  the  news  of  the  battle  between  the  Constel 
lation  and  Vengeance,  was  sent  back  to  the  West 
Indies  in  March,  1800,  under  orders  to  deliver 
dispatches  to  Commodore  Talbot  at  Cape  Francois 
and  then  return  to  the  Guadeloupe  station.  In  her 
log-book  it  is  recorded :  "  April  7.  Boarded  the 
U.  S.  frigate  Constitution.  Same  day  spoke  the 
U.  S.  ship  Herald  ;  13.  Spoke  the  U.  S.  schooner 
Experiment  —  had  a  French  prize  in  tow ;  14. 
Spoke  the  U.  S.  ship  Connecticut." 2  The  Enter 
prise  was  at  St.  Thomas  May  1,  and  Lieutenant 
Shaw  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy :  "  On 
the  13th  I  fell  in  with  the  U.  S.  brig  Augusta  and 

1  Brown,  ch.  xvii ;  Salem  Gazette,  December  2,  1800,  letter  of 
officer  on  Patapsco ;  Federal  Gazette,  December  9,  24,  1800  ;  Co 
lumbian  Centinel,  December  6,  1800. 

a  Mass.  Mercury,  June  6,  1800. 


200         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

schooner  Experiment.  Nothing  particular  occurred 
until  the  23d  [April],  2  p.  M.  saw  a  sail  to  the 
S.  E.  stand  to  the  S.  W. ;  made  all  sail  and  gave 
chase.  Found  her  to  be  a  brig  of  eighteen  guns 
and  well  manned.  Made  every  necessary  prepara 
tion  to  engage  her  if  a  Frenchman  and  showed  my 
colors,  but  when  under  her  guns  she  hoisted  the 
Spanish  flag  at  the  main  and  commenced  a  smart 
fire  from  her  quarter  and  stern  guns  on  me.  Still 
kept  ranging  on  her  and  took  a  position  150  yards 
on  the  larboard  quarter,  when  I  thought  it  was  full 
time  to  return  her  salute.  A  warm  and  brisk  fire 
ensued  and  I  gained  the  wind  on  her.  I  should  not 
have  delayed  so  long  bringing  her  to  close  action 
had  I  not  conceived  her  to  belong  to  a  nation  not 
at  war  with  us,  and  that  carrying  her  by  force 
might  be  the  means  of  involving  us  in  some  na 
tional  dispute  hereafter.  I  consulted  my  officers 
respecting  her,  and  one  of  them  recognized  her  to 
be  a  Spanish  Packet  from  Havana.  I  therefore 
discontinued  the  action." 1 

Shaw  wrote  from  St.  Christopher  June  21 :  "I 
have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  on  the  17th  inst. 
I  fell  in  with  the  French  privateer  Le  Cygne  of 
four  guns  and  fifty-seven  men  off  Guadaloupe.  She 
engaged  me  for  twenty  minutes,  when  she  struck 
her  colors.  I  have  brought  her  in  here."  2  The 
Cygne  had  come  out  of  Basse  Terre,  Guadeloupe, 
and  attacked  the  Enterprise  while  becalmed,  appar- 

1  Conn.  Courant,  June  2,  1800.          2  Ibid.  August  4,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR         201 

ently  not  recognizing  her  character.  The  privateer 
had  five  killed  and  fourteen  wounded,  while  the 
American  loss  was  one  killed  and  two  wounded.1 
About  the  same  time  the  Enterprise  took  the  priva 
teer  Cifcoyenne  of  six  guns,  which  surrendered 
only  after  a  hard  fight.2  July  26  Shaw  reported  : 
"  On  the  4th  inst.  I  fell  in  with  the  French  priva 
teer  L'Aigle,  of  ten  guns  and  seventy-eight  men. 
She  engaged  me  with  much  spirit  for  fifteen  min 
utes,  when  she  lowered  her  colors.  On  the  23d  I 
fell  in  with  and  captured  the  French  privateer 
Flambeau,  of  twelve  guns  and  ninety  men.  She 
engaged  me  for  nearly  two  glasses.  L'Aigle  had 
four  men  killed,  three  wounded ;  Flambeau  four 
men  killed,  twenty  wounded.  The  Enterprise  had 
two  wounded  in  the  engagement  with  the  Flam 
beau."  3  In  her  action  with  the  Aigle  the  Enter 
prise  tacked  across  her  enemy's  wake  and  gave 
her  a  raking  broadside ;  and  then,  running  up  on 
her  weather  quarter,  boarded  her.  No  further  re 
sistance  was  met  with,  as  all  the  French  officers 
were  badly  wounded,  leaving  the  crew  without 
leaders.4 

The  action  between  the  Enterprise  and  the  brig 
Flambeau  was  one  of  the  hardest  fought  of  this 
French  war  and  ended  in  the  capture  of  a  vessel  of 
superior  force.  The  Flambeau's  guns  were  said  to 

1  Federal  Gazette,  July  24,  1800. 

2  Amer.  Nav.  Off.  vol.  i,  p.  132. 

8  Independent  Chronicle,  September  11,  1800. 
*  Amer.  Nav.  Off.  vol.  i,  p.  134. 


202        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

be  heavier  and  she  had  more  men  than  the  Enter 
prise,  whose  crew  numbered  eighty-three.  The  com 
batants  sighted  each  other  to  leeward  of  Dominica 
towards  night,  and  the  next  morning  came  together. 
The  fight  lasted  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour, 
and  most  of  the  time  the  vessels  were  close  hauled 
in  a  light  breeze,  with  the  Flambeau  at  first  lead 
ing  off.  As  the  Enterprise  drew  nearer  they  began 
with  a  brisk  fire  of  small  arms.  Then  getting  within 
range,  they  exchanged  broadsides  for  twenty  min 
utes.  The  fore-topmast  of  the  Flambeau  was  in 
jured,  and  in  a  sudden  flaw  of  wind  went  overboard, 
carrying  six  men  with  it.  As  the  Enterprise  passed 
the  spot  she  lowered  a  boat  and  saved  the  French 
men.  Soon  after  this  the  Flambeau  struck  her 
colors.1 

While  under  Shaw's  command  the  Enterprise 
took  three  other  French  armed  vessels,  besides  mak 
ing  a  number  of  recaptures.  Among  the  prizes  was 
a  large,  three-masted  lugger  of  twelve  guns,  having 
as  passengers  several  army  officers,  including  a  gen 
eral.  At  this  time  two  American  sailors  were  held 
as  prisoners  by  the  French  and  harshly  treated  on 
account  of  having  killed  two  Frenchmen  in  recap 
turing  their  vessel ;  being  later  unfortunately  taken 
again  by  the  French.  Attempts  to  release  them  by 
exchange  had  failed,  and  the  French  general  and 
another  officer  were  now  held  in  confinement  as 

1  Amer.  Nav.  Off.  vol.  i,  pp.  135-137 ;  Federal  Gazette,  August 
23,  1800 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  August  26,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          203 

hostages.  The  general  was  finally  allowed  to  go  to 
Guadeloupe  on  parole,  where  he  succeeded  in  ob 
taining  the  release  of  the  Americans.1 

In  October  Shaw's  health  broke  down,  and  soon 
afterwards  he  was  relieved  of  his  command  by 
Lieutenant  Sterrett;  he  returned  home  on  the 
Patapsco.  This  cruise  of  the  Enterprise  was  suc 
cessful  and  brilliant,  and  helped  to  make  that  little 
schooner  one  of  the  famous  vessels  of  the  navy. 
After  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  Shaw  wrote,  De 
cember  12 :  "I  have  in  my  last  cruise  taken  thir 
teen  sail  of  vessels,  made  300  French  prisoners, 
killed  and  wounded  sixty-one  men,  taken  forty-two 
pieces  of  artillery  and  180  stand  of  musketry, 
which  is  really  more  than  I  could  have  contem 
plated."  2 

During  the  short  time  the  Enterprise  remained 
in  the  West  Indies  under  her  new  commander  her 
good  luck  continued.  One  of  her  officers  wrote  to 
a  friend,  January  2,  1801:  "On  the  6th  of  De 
cember,  St.  Bartholomew  bearing  west,  distance 
one  league,  we  fell  in  with  a  French  privateer  lug 
ger  of  twelve  guns  and  150  men,  which  we  engaged 
for  four  glasses  within  pistol  shot.  It  being  dark 
and  close  in  with  the  rocks  off  the  east  end  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  we  had  to  beat  off  and  leave  her, 
by  not  being  acquainted  with  that  island.  She  ar- 

1  Amer.  Nav.  Of.  vol.  i,  pp.  133,  137 ;  Federal  Gazette,  No 
vember  4,  1800. 

2  Amer.  Nav.  Off.  vol.  i,  pp.  129-139 ;  Conn.  Courant,  December 
29, 1800;  Federal  Gazette,  December  8,  1800. 


204        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

rived  the  next  day  at  St.  Martin's,  with  twenty  of 
her  men  killed  and  thirty  wounded,  and  lost  her 
mizzenmast,  bowsprit,  and  topmast.  We  was  very 
fortunate ;  we  lost  no  men  and  only  one  wounded. 
On  the  24th  of  December  we  captured  and  brought 
into  St.  Kitts  the  fast  sailing  schooner  privateer 
L'Amour  de  la  Patrie  of  six  guns  and  ninety  men. 
We  are  just  weighing  anchor  for  a  cruise  of  twenty 
days ;  then  we  shall  proceed  for  the  United  States 
as  soon  as  possible."  * 

The  Experiment,  Lieutenant  Charles  Stewart, 
was  ordered,  July  26,  1800,  to  cruise  off  Bermuda 
for  ten  days  and  then  proceed  to  Guadeloupe.  Her 
cruise  was  interesting,  although  less  notable  than 
that  of  the  Enterprise.  September  1,  having  arrived 
on  her  station,  she  fell  in  with  the  French  privateer 
Deux  Amis,  of  eight  guns  and  forty  men,  which 
had  captured  many  American  merchantmen.  The 
Frenchmen  surrendered  in  ten  minutes.  Porter,  who 
was  still  first  lieutenant  of  the  Experiment,  went 
aboard  the  prize  with  four  men  to  take  possession. 
Captain  Stewart  then  sailed  off  in  pursuit  of  another 
vessel,  and  Porter  found  himself  in  much  the  same 
predicament  in  which  he  had  been  placed  with 
Rodgers  on  the  Insurgente  the  year  before.2  The 
French  prisoners  outnumbered  the  prize  crew  nearly 
ten  to  one,  and  showed  symptoms  of  insubordina 
tion.  Porter  secured  all  the  small  arms,  ordered 

1  Conn.  Journal,  February  26,  1801. 
3  See  above,  p.  101. 


CHARLES    STEWART 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          205 

the  prisoners  forward  of  a  certain  line,  and  trained 
one  of  the  guns  on  them,  loaded  with  canister.  It 
was  more  than  three  days  before  the  prize  was 
brought  into  St.  Christopher.1 

A  month  later  the  Experiment  made  another  im 
portant  capture,  which  is  briefly  related  in  a  private 
letter  of  Stewart's,  dated  October  3 :  "  We  cruised 
to  windward  of  St.  Bartholomew  till  the  1st  of 
October,  which  day  we  fell  in  with  and  captured 
the  French  armed  three-masted  schooner  Diana, 
out  two  days  from  Guadaloupe,  laden  with  sugar, 
coffee,  and  cotton,  bound  to  France  under  convoy 
of  a  brig  of  sixteen  nine-pounders  and  150  men. 
This  schooner  mounted  eight  nine-pound  carron- 
ades  (six  of  which  they  threw  overboard  in  the 
chase),  and  forty-five  men.  On  board  of  her  we 
had  the  pleasure  to  find  General  Rigaud,  command- 
er-in-chief  of  the  south  of  St.  Domingo.  This  is 
the  man,  sir,  that  has  wrested  millions  from  my 
countrymen.  The  depredations,  the  piracies,  plun 
der,  and  murders  he  has  committed  on  my  fellow 
citizens  are  but  too  well  known  in  the  United 
States,  and  now  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  all  things 
has  placed  him  in  the  hands  of  that  country  he 
has  most  injured."  2  These  two  French  vessels  had 
chased  the  Experiment  at  first,  their  combined 
force  being  far  superior  to  hers ;  but  as  she  out 
sailed  them  they  gave  up  the  pursuit  and  ran  off  to 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  173,  185 ;  Stewart,  pp.  5,  6 ;  Porter,  pp.  32-34. 

2  Conn.  Courant,  November  10,  1800. 


206        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

leeward.  Stewart  then  followed  them,  and  when 
they  had  become  separated  through  their  different 
rates  of  sailing  he  chased  the  schooner  and  early 
in  the  evening  overhauled  her.  After  a  short  re 
sistance  she  hauled  down  her  colors.  The  Experi 
ment  then  chased  the  brig,  but  she  was  lost  sight 
of  in  the  darkness.1  Rigaud  was  landed  at  St. 
Christopher,  where  he  remained  under  the  custody 
of  Commodore  Truxtun.  The  Diana  was  sent  to 
Philadelphia.2 

In  November  the  Experiment,  through  mistake, 
had  a  night  action  with  the  British  armed  schooner 
Louisa  Bridger,  who  refused  to  answer  Stewart's 
hail  and  would  not  reveal  her  nationality  until 
forced  to  yield.  According  to  the  log-book  of  the 
Louisa  Bridger,  the  Experiment  "  came  alongside, 
fired  a  musket  and  ordered  us  to  heave  to  or  they 
would  fire  into  us.  Not  minding  this,  she  fired  a 
gun  at  us.  All  hands  being  at  quarters  we  engaged 
her  for  four  hours,  when  we  ceased  firing,  as  our 
hull,  sails,  and  rigging  were  very  much  injured. 
After  this  the  Experiment  fired  two  broadsides  into 
us.  They  sent  their  boat  alongside,  when  we  learned 
what  vessel  it  was."  3 

The  Experiment  also  recaptured  a  number  of 
American  vessels.  She  continued  her  cruise  in  the 
West  Indies  until  about  the  middle  of  January, 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  185 ;  Stewart,  pp.  6,  7 ;  Porter,  pp.  34,  35. 

2  Columbian  Centinel,  November  1,  1800. 

3  Mass.  Mercury,  December  16,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR         207 

1801,  and  then  returned  to  the  United  States.1 
After  his  arrival  at  Norfolk  Stewart  wrote  to  a 
friend,  February  4 :  "  I  have  the  pleasure  to  in 
form  you  of  my  arrival  at  this  place  after  a  passage 
of  thirteen  days  from  the  city  of  St.  Domingo.  No 
thing  material  occurred  since  my  last  letter  to  you 
until  the  14th  of  December;  on  that  day  we  re 
captured  the  brig  Zebra  .  .  .  bound  to  Martinico. 
She  was  captured  the  day  before  by  the  French 
privateer  schooner  La  Flambeau.  .  .  .  I  tried  hard 
to  add  her  to  my  list,  but  owing  to  the  lightness  of 
the  wind  and  the  distance  she  was  to  windward  of 
us  we  could  not  come  up  with  her  until  she  reached 
the  batteries.  On  the  26th  of  December  we  recap 
tured  the  brig  Dove  .  .  .  [and]  the  sloop  Lucy. 
...  On  the  6th  of  January,  1801,  we  left  St. 
Christopher's  with  thirty  sail  of  vessels  under  our 
convoy  and  on  the  8th  we  left  the  fleet  at  St. 
Thomas,  under  the  care  of  Captain  Brown  of  the 
U.  S.  ship  Merrimack,  and  proceeded  to  Curracoa, 
which  place  we  left  on  the  12th  for  Norfolk,  agree 
able  to  my  orders  from  Commodore  Truxtun ;  and 
on  the  18th  made  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  on 
the  day  following  I  observed  a  vessel  on  the  reef 
of  the  island  of  Saona  and  a  signal  of  distress 
flying.  I  immediately  went  to  their  assistance  and 
brought  from  the  wreck  about  sixty  persons,  men, 
women,  and  children,  also  what  property  we  could 
save.  The  vessel  was  called  the  Eliza  of  St. 
1  Stewart,  pp.  5-9 ;  Porter,  pp.  32-36. 


208        OUR  NAVAL  WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

Thomas,  from  the  city  of  St.  Domingo  bound  to 
Porto  Rico  with  passengers.  The  captain,  mate,  and 
one  man  got  into  the  boat  and  safely  got  ashore, 
when  the  boat  immediately  went  to  pieces ;  and 
those  on  board  must  inevitably  have  perished  had 
they  not  met  with  assistance.  The  passengers  in 
the  schooner  were  the  Spanish  officers  and  their 
families  who  commanded  at  St.  Domingo,  which 
place  is  demanded  by  Toussaint  and  I  suppose  will 
be  given  up  to  him,  for  the  Spaniards  are  moving 
their  families  and  property  as  fast  as  possible."  * 
Stewart  took  the  shipwrecked  people  back  to  the 
city  of  San  Domingo. 

Having  been  thoroughly  refitted  after  her  acci 
dent  in  the  winter,  the  frigate  Congress  sailed  from 
Hampton  Roads  for  Cape  Francois,  July  26,  1800. 
Apparently  she  cruised  off  the  American  coast  for 
about  a  month.  August  29  she  recaptured  an  Amer 
ican  brig  and  then  chased  the  privateer  that  had 
taken  her,  which  was  in  sight  with  two  other  prizes  ; 
but  night  came  on  and  they  escaped.  An  officer  of 
the  Congress  wrote  home  that  the  prize  master  of 
the  brig  "  informed  us  that  the  privateer  to  which 
he  belonged  had  lately  been  several  times  in  sight  of 
Cape  Henry,  and  that  there  were  at  present  three 
or  four  French  privateers  cruising  off  the  American 
coast."  2  The  Congress  arrived  at  Cape  Fra^ois 
about  September  12,  and  Captain  Sever  took  com- 

1  Conn.  Journal,  February  26,  1801. 

2  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  October  23,  1800. 


THE   LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          209 


mand  of  the  station,  relieving  Captain  Murray. 
The  enemy  furnished  little  occupation  for  the  Con 
gress  in  San  Domingo  waters,  but  during  a  short 
cruise  to  Porto  Rico  she  chased  a  privateer  which 
led  her  among  shoals,  and  skillful  navigation  was 
called  for  to  extricate  her.  The  frigate  had  an 
other  narrow  escape  when  at  daybreak  one  morn 
ing  breakers  were  sighted  close  ahead,  and  she 
was  saved  only  by  the  captain's  perfect  self-posses 
sion.  "  The  deck,"  says  Midshipman  Morris,  "was 
in  charge  of  the  master,  who  was  a  skillful  sea 
man,  but  whose  presence  of  mind  was  so  entirely 
destroyed  by  the  imminence  and  suddenness  of  the 
danger,  that  he  could  do  nothing  towards  extricat 
ing  the  ship  from  it.  I  was  011  deck  at  the  time 
and  felt  justified  under  the  circumstances  in  call 
ing  the  captain  without  orders  from  the  officer  of 
the  deck.  Waking  from  sound  sleep,  he  came  im 
mediately  on  deck,  took  the  trumpet  from  the  be 
wildered  master  and  wore  the  ship,  but  so  near  to 
the  breakers  that  a  stone  might  have  been  cast 
into  them  from  the  ship."  Sever  continued  in 
command  of  the  station  until  the  return  of  Talbot, 
towards  the  end  of  the  year.1 

Two  vessels  were  lost  at  sea  in  the  summer  of 
1800.  The  Insurgente,  Captain  Fletcher,  was  di 
rected,  July  14,  to  cruise  to  the  eastward  for  about 
two  months.  She  was  spoken  off  Cape  Henry  Au- 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  173,174;  Morris,  pp.  12-14;  Columbian  Cen- 
tinel,  August  20,  27,  1800  ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  117. 


210        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

gust  10.  The  Pickering,  Captain  Hillar,  was  ordered 
to  Guadeloupe  August  15.  Neither  of  these  vessels 
was  ever  seen  or  heard  of  again,  and  they  were  sup 
posed  to  have  been  lost  in  the  equinoctial  gale  of 
September.1 

Having  shipped  a  new  crew,  the  frigate  Boston 
sailed  September  15,  1800,  under  orders  to  cruise 
two  or  three  weeks  between  the  United  States  and 
the  West  Indies  and  then  to  join  the  Guadeloupe 
squadron.  She  was  cruising  about  six  hundred  miles 
northeast  of  Guadeloupe  when,  on  the  morning 
of  Sunday,  October  12,  she  sighted  a  ship  and  a 
schooner.  They  separated,  and  she  chased  the  ship. 
The  pursuit  continued,  before  the  wind,  nearly  all 
day.  The  log-book  of  the  Boston,  under  the  date 
October  13,2  says :  "  At  meridian  the  chase  bore 
S.  W.,  distance  about  three  leagues.  At  4  P.  M.  the 
ship  was  clear  for  action.  At  half-past  4  p.  M. 
hoisted  our  colors  and  gave  the  chase  a  shot  from 
the  bow  gun.  She  hoisted  French  colors  and  fired 
a  gun  to  windward  and  began  to  shorten  sail  for  ac 
tion.  At  fifteen  minutes  before  5  P.  M.  came  up  with 
the  ship,  hailed  her  and  ordered  him  to  strike  his 
colors  to  the  United  States  flag.  The  captain  replied 
that  his  colors  were  too  well  made  fast  to  haul  down. 
The  action  immediately  commenced  and  lasted  till 
24  minutes  past  5  P.  M.  The  sails  and  rigging  of 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  173  ;  Nov.  Aff.  vol.  i,  pp.  83,  84 ;   Columbian 
Centinel,  August  27,  1800. 
3  October  12 ;  see  above,  p.  166,  note,  and  Appendix  VI. 


•. 


m 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          211 

both  ships  being  much  shattered,  it  was  impossible 
to  work  either  ship  ;  in  consequence  of  which  we 
drifted  too  far  apart  for  our  shot  to  do  execution. 
I  then  ordered  all  hands  to  be  employed  repairing 
the  rigging  to  commence  the  action  again.  At  9 
p.  M.  the  action  recommenced,  which  lasted  till  20 
minutes  past  10  p.  M.,  when  her  fore  and  main  top 
masts  were  shot  away.  She  then  struck  her  colors  to 
the  Boston,  and  not  long  after  her  fore  and  main 
topmasts  went  over  the  side,  which  I  was  sorry  to 
see.  .  .  .  Oct.  14  [13],  1800.  Long.  53°  21',  lat. 
20°  48r.  This  ship  proved  to  be  the  French  national 
ship  Le  Berceau,  mounting  24  guns  on  one  deck, 
22  long  French  nines  and  two  twelve-pounders,  and 
230  men,  commanded  by  Louis  Andre  Senes,  a 
post-captain  from  Cayenne,  on  a  cruise.  Employed 
getting  117  prisoners  on  board  the  Boston.  Found 
on  mustering  the  ship's  company  that  we  had  seven 
men  killed  and  eight  wounded.  All  hands  employed 
repairing  the  rigging  on  board  the  Boston  and  clear 
ing  the  wreck  on  board  the  Berceau.  I  find  the  Ber 
ceau  lost,  killed  in  the  action,  34  men,  and  18 
wounded." 1 

In  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
Captain  Little  says  the  Berceau  was  "captured  on 
the  12th  October  in  lat.  22°  50'  North,  long.  51° 
West,  after  an  action  of  two  hours.  .  .  .  With 

1  Nov.  Chron.  p.  174;  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  His 
torical  Society,  June,  1883,  p.  271 ;  Log-book  of  the  Boston  ;  Bos 
ton  Com.  Gazette,  November  17,  1800. 


212         OUR  NAVAL   WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

regret  I  mention  our  loss  on  board  the  Boston: 
four  killed  in  the  action,  [three]  mortally  wounded, 
since  dead;  among  the  latter  was  Mr.  Samuel 
Young,  the  purser,  who  requested  liberty  to  quit 
the  cockpit  and  assist  on  the  quarter-deck.  He  fell 
early  in  the  action.  Eight  were  wounded,  but  are 
all  on  the  recovery.  I  have  subjoined  a  particular 
list  of  the  killed  and  wounded.  It  is  a  cause  of 
satisfaction  for  me  to  add  that  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  Boston,  without  an  exception,  discovered 
courage  and  firmness  during  the  action;  and  it 
would  be  injustice  in  me  not  to  acknowledge  that 
the  Captain  of  Le  Berceau  fought  his  ship  gallantly 
so  long  as  she  was  in  a  situation  capable  of  being 
defended.  Soon  after  he  had  struck,  his  fore  and 
main  masts  went  over  the  side  and  his  ship  was 
otherwise  in  a  very  shattered  condition.  The  Bos 
ton  was  much  injured  in  her  masts,  spars,  rigging, 
and  sails,  considering  the  force  of  the  corvette, 
which  compelled  me  to  return  from  my  cruise  to 
refit  ....  The  enemy's  loss  I  have  not  been  able 
to  ascertain,  as  they  had  thrown  overboard  their 
watch  and  quarter  bills  and  most  of  their  papers, 
but  from  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to 
obtain,  they  had  upwards  of  230  men  when  the 
action  commenced;  197  were  found  on  board  after 
the  action,  including  the  wounded,  who  were  18." l 
Lieutenant  Clement  of  the  Berceau  made  a  report 
of  the  battle,  which  differs  materially  from  that 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  December  10,  1800. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR         213 

of  Captain  Little.  He  says:  "At  half -past  three 
o'clock  the  frigate  hoisted  the  American  flag  and 
pennant  and  fired  twice.  We  at  once  hoisted  French 
colors  and  pennant  and  answered  by  a  single  can 
non  shot.  The  frigate,  at  a  quarter  to  four,  being 
within  speaking  distance,  asked  us  whence  we  came. 
A  moment  later  she  fired  on  us,  and  ranging  along 
our  port  side  within  pistol  shot,  the  battle  began 
in  a  most  spirited  manner  on  both  sides.  The  mus 
ketry  was  very  sharp  and  well  sustained,  the  only 
delays  being  to  reload  the  pieces.  The  battery  also 
was  served  with  the  greatest  activity,  and  the  cry 
of  'Vive  la  Republique!'  was  often  heard  during 
the  battle.  At  six  o'clock  our  topgallant  masts  were 
seriously  wounded,  the  shrouds  were  cut  through, 
and  the  yards,  sails,  and  lower  masts  were  riddled 
with  shot.  At  five  minutes  after  six  o'clock  the  frig 
ate  dropped  astern,  having  her  topsail  ties  cut  and 
the  yards  on  the  caps.  We  boarded  our  fore  and 
main  tacks  and  came  by  the  wind.  The  frigate  from 
this  moment  ceased  firing  and  we  worked  without 
ceasing  at  repairing  damages. 

"At  half -past  eight  o'clock  the  frigate  again  at 
tacked  us  and  we  discharged  a  broadside.  From 
that  time  the  action  was  renewed  with  great  ferocity 
at  pistol  shot.  At  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  captain, 
seeing  a  favorable  opportunity  of  boarding  the  frig 
ate,  gave  the  order,  and  the  crew  only  awaited  the 
chance,  and  our  vessel  manoeuvred  to  favor  the  at 
tempt.  The  frigate,  however,  took  care  not  to  allow 


214        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

herself  to  be  boarded,  and  the  action  continued  at 
pistol  range  up  to  eleven  o'clock,  when  the  frigate 
again  hauled  off  to  repair  damages.  We  again  set 
our  courses,  a  short  time  after  which  our  jib-boom 
was  carried  away  and  the  topmasts  followed.  At 
this  time  our  shrouds  and  backstays  were  nearly 
all  cut  through,  and  the  two  spare  topmasts  had 
also  been  cut  upon  the  gallows  frame.  We  therefore 
found  ourselves  without  the  possibility  of  repairing, 
but  we  nevertheless  made  as  much  sail  as  we  could. 
The  frigate  also  was  much  damaged  in  her  sails  and 
rigging  and  she  remained  out  of  gunshot,  but  al 
ways  in  sight. 

"  At  five  o'clock  the  next  morning  nobody  had 
yet  left  his  post  and  we  expected  every  moment  a 
third  attack,  when  the  frigate  passed  us  to  the  star 
board  at  a  great  distance  and  placed  herself  to  lee 
ward  of  us  at  half  a  league  distance.  In  the  course 
of  the  morning  we  saw  that  she  was  working  at 
repairs.  At  half-past  eleven  o'clock  our  foremast, 
pierced  with  shot,  fell  to  starboard,  and  a  short  time 
afterward  the  mainmast  also  fell.  At  two  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  the  frigate,  which  had  now  finished 
repairs,  came  up  to  us  on  the  starboard  side."  The 
Berceau  then  surrendered.  Her  loss,  according  to 
Clement,  was  four  killed  and  seventeen  wounded.1 

The  Boston  carried  twenty-four  twelve  pounders 
and  eight  nine  pounders,  all  long  guns,  and  two 
hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  weight  of  her  broad- 

1  Maclay,  vol.  i,  pp.  209-212. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR          215 

side  was  heavier  than  that  of  the  Berceau  in  the 
proportion  of  about  three  to  two.  Considering  the 
superiority  of  the  Boston,  the  Berceau  made  a  re 
markably  strong  resistance.  Captain  Senes  is  said 
to  have  had  a  high  reputation  for  bravery;  he  had 
served  under  Admiral  D'Estaing  in  the  American 
Revolution.1 

The  Berceau  was  towed  most  of  the  way  to  port 
by  her  captor,  undergoing  repairs  on  the  way.  Oc 
tober  24  they  fell  in  with  an  American  brig  bound 
to  Barbadoes;  Captain  Senes  was  paroled  and  put 
aboard  her.  Four  days  later  the  cable  with  which 
the  prize  was  being  towed  parted  in  a  heavy  sea, 
and  she  was  lost  sight  of  for  two  days,  being  again 
taken  in  tow  October  30.  Two  weeks  after  this 
Little  brought  his  frigate  and  her  prize  into  Boston 
harbor.2  His  report,  dated  Nantasket  Roads,  No 
vember  15,  1800,  begins:  "I  have  the  honor  to 
inform  you  that  I  arrived  last  evening  in  company 
with  the  French  national  corvette  Le  Berceau"; 
the  report  is  accompanied  by  a  list  of  the  Boston's 
casualties.3  The  prisoners  were  landed  on  Castle 
Island,  where  they  remained  under  guard,  except 
the  officers,  who  were  paroled.  The  Berceau  was 
condemned  a  few  weeks  later,  and  on  January  15 
was  sold  to  the  United  States.  Under  the  treaty 
with  France,  however,  which  had  already  been  con- 

1  Nov.  Chron.  p.  174 ;  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  November  17,  1800. 

2  Proc.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  June,  1883,  p.  272. 
8  Columbian  Centinel,  December  10,  1800. 


216        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

eluded,  she  was  given  up.  September  26, 1801,  she 
sailed  for  France.1 

The  Constitution  was  ordered  to  return  to  San 
Domingo  November  18,  but  did  not  sail  until  some 
time  in  December.  She  arrived  at  Cape  Francois 
on  the  29th  of  that  month,  and  Commodore  Talbot 
resumed  command  of  the  station.  Here  he  remained 
until  spring.  In  January,  1801,  there  were  on  the 
San  Domingo  station,  besides  the  flagship,  the  Con 
gress,  Adams,  Trumbull,  Richmond,  and  Augusta.2 
About  the  first  of  the  year  David  Porter  was  trans 
ferred  from  the  Experiment  to  the  Constitution  as 
second  lieutenant,  and  soon  afterwards  the  commo 
dore  gave  him  command  of  a  small  prize  schooner, 
the  Amphitrite,  probably  a  recaptured  American 
vessel.  Many  years  afterwards  Isaac  Hull  wrote 
to  Porter :  "  While  we  were  fitting  this  vessel  and 
putting  her  guns  on  board  (which  were  small  brass 
howitzers  taken  from  the  tops  of  the  Constitution), 
we  discovered  some  barges  in  shore,  inside  a  reef 
of  rocks,  where  they  were  discharging  an  American 
vessel  they  had  made  prize  of.  You  were  ordered 
to  stand  in  with  the  schooner  and  bring  them  out. 
Not  a  moment  was  lost ;  you  instantly  left  the  ship, 
stood  in  boldly  and  brought  the  barges  to  action. 
As  they  considered  their  force  superior  to  yours, 
they  did  not  wish  to  abandon  the  prize,  but  in  a 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  S8&-393,  413,  417. 

2  Nav.  Chron,  p.  174 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  November  19,  Decem 
ber  6,  1800 ;  Mass.  Mercury,  February  6,  1801. 


DAVID    PORTER 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          217 

very  short  time  you  captured  and  brought  off  the 
largest  barge  and  prize  brig,  and  no  doubt  you 
would  have  taken  the  other,  had  you  not  been  pre 
vented  from  pursuing  her  by  your  vessel's  ground 
ing  on  the  reef." 1  The  Constitution  sailed  for  home 
in  March ;  the  Congress  had  preceded  her.2 

The  forty-four  gun  ship  President  was  launched 
April  10,  1800,  and  was  the  last  of  the  original 
1794  frigates  to  go  into  commission.  Commodore 
Truxtun,  after  his  return  from  Jamaica  with  the 
victorious  Constellation,  was  appointed  to  the  Pre 
sident.  She  was  ordered  to  Guadeloupe  July  30, 
and  Truxtun  resumed  the  command  of  his  old  sta 
tion.  This  cruise  lasted  about  six  months,  and  was 
uneventful.  The  President  took  no  prizes,  but  made 
a  few  recaptures.  She  returned  home  early  in 
March,  1801. 3  The  career  of  the  Chesapeake,  Cap 
tain  Samuel  Barren,  during  her  first  year,  seems 
also  to  have  been  uneventful.  She  cruised  partly 
off  the  coast  of  the  United  States  and  partly 
on  the  Guadeloupe  station.  January  1,  1801,  she 
took  a  prize  near  the  27th  parallel  of  latitude.4 
The  Philadelphia,  Captain  Decatur,  cruised  many 
months  without  important  results,  but  about  De- 

1  Porter,  p.  38.  2  Mass.  Mercury,  April  7,  1801. 

8  Conn.  Courant,  April  14,  November  10, 1800 ;  Federal  Gazette, 
December  8,  29, 1800 ;  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  December  25,  1800 ; 
Mass.  Mercury,  March  10,  1801. 

*  Mass.  Mercury,  December  26,  1800,  February  3, 1801 ;  Colum 
bian  Centinel,  December  31,  1800;  Conn.  Journal,  February  26, 
1801. 


218         OUR  NAVAL  WAR   WITH  FRANCE 

cember  1  she  took  a  French  privateer  and  soon 
afterwards  captured  four  others.  She  sailed  home 
in  March. l  One  of  the  last  vessels  to  get  to  sea  was 
the  frigate  New  York,  built  under  the  act  of  June 
30,  1798.  She  was  ordered  to  the  Guadeloupe 
station  October  20,  1800,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Morris,  who  was  transferred  from  the 
Adams.  His  good  luck  in  taking  prizes  while  with 
the  latter  ship  did  not  follow  him  in  the  New 
York.2 

The  Constellation,  Captain  Murray,  was  ordered, 
November  28,  to  "  shape  her  course  so  as  to  afford 
protection  to  American  vessels  bound  from  the 
East  Indies  and  Europe,"  and  on  December  30  was 
assigned  to  the  Guadeloupe  station.  She  proceeded 
to  New  York  and  sailed  from  there  January  9, 1801. 
Three  days  out  she  "  encountered  a  tremendous  gale 
of  wind "  from  the  south-southwest,  "  which  con 
tinued  with  little  intermission  for  24  hours,  and 
came  on  in  a  very  sudden  manner.  Every  effort  was 
made  to  place  the  ship  in  as  safe  a  situation  as  pos 
sible,  —  top-gallant  yards  and  mast  down,  etc.,  but 
while  scudding  under  a  reef  fore  sail  (the  only  sail 
we  could  set)  the  lee  sheet  gave  way  and  brought 
us  by  the  lee,  the  sea  making  a  perfect  breach  over 
us,  stove  in  all  ports,  and  in  a  few  minutes  we  had 
near  six  feet  water  in  the  hold,  the  most  of  which 
entered  our  hatchways  before  we  could  get  them 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  January  27,  March  3,  April  3,  1801. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  173,  174,  184. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE   WAR          219 

properly  secured.  In  this  situation  I  was  persuaded 
to  cut  away  the  mizzenmast  and  began  to  cut  the 
lee  shrouds  and  stays  and  some  of  the  weather  ones, 
when  we  succeeded  in  getting  aft  the  lee  fore  tacks 
and  a  preventer  sheet,  which  payed  her  off  before 
the  wind.  At  that  moment  we  ceased  cutting  away. 
I  proceeded  to  get  preventer  tackles  upon  the  mast 
to  save  it  and  get  down  the  gaff,  but  not  till  it  gave 
a  crack  which  gave  us  great  alarm,  yet  finally  we 
secured  it  and  have  it  now  in  a  safe  state.  Still 
the  pumps  gained  but  little  on  the  water  in  the  hold 
and  we  contemplated  throwing  overboard  our  spar 
deck  guns,  but  after  great  exertions  we  brought  the 
pumps  to  suck,  in  the  course  of  which  time  I  was 
eighteen  hours  on  the  deck  without  rest,  as  were  the 
greater  part  of  the  crew  —  continually  expecting 
to  be  obliged  to  cut  away  the  masts.  The  next  day 
we  made  sail  under  close  reeft  main  and  fore  top 
sails,  till  by  degrees  we  had  a  return  of  moderate 
weather."  x  Having  reached  latitude  22°,  the  Con 
stellation  fell  in  with  a  British  frigate  on  a  dark 
night.  They  exchanged  several  shots  before  recog 
nizing  by  signals  each  other's  friendly  character. 
Approaching  the  "West  Indies  from  the  eastward, 
the  Constellation  captured  a  three-masted  lugger 
of  fourteen  guns  and  a  hundred  men  from  Guade 
loupe.  Upon  examining  her  papers  it  was  found 
that  she  had  been  instructed  not  to  make  captures 
of  American  vessels;  and  it  was  soon  afterwards 

1  Murray's  Letter  Book,  140. 


220        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

learned  that  the  new  treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  France  had  reached  Guadeloupe  early 
in  January  and  that  French  agents  and  consuls 
had  been  directed  to  promulgate  it.  Murray  found 
the  French  very  friendly,  arid  wrote  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy,  February  3,  that  he  might 
"  now  assure  the  merchants  of  the  United  States 
that  their  trade  will  no  longer  be  molested  by 
French  cruisers."  He  assisted  in  the  work  of 
spreading  the  tidings  of  returning  peace  among 
Americans  and  French  in  the  West  Indies.  On 
this  errand  the  Constellation  proceeded  by  way 
of  St.  Thomas  and  Porto  Rico  to  Cape  Francois, 
and  thence  to  Havana.  After  collecting  a  convoy 
there  she  sailed  for  home  March  2,  and  three 
weeks  later  was  in  Delaware  Bay.  In  April  she 
dragged  her  anchors  and  grounded  on  a  shoal, 
where  she  remained  two  weeks  or  more,  but  finally 
got  off  and  suffered  no  injury.1 

The  United  States  arrived  at  Philadelphia  from 
her  mission  to  France  April  3,  1800.  Soon  after 
this  the  Portsmouth  was  sent  over  to  bring  home 
the  American  envoys,  when  they  had  concluded 
their  negotiations  with  the  French  government. 
After  her  return  the  United  States  required  ex 
tensive  repairs,  and  it  was  not  until  December  that 
she  was  ready  for  sea  and  was  ordered  to  the  West 
Indies.  Commodore  Barry  took  command  of  the 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  175;  Mass.  Mercury,  March  24,  April  21,  May 
1, 1801 ;  Murray's  Letter  Book,  140,  145  (February  3,  9,  1801). 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR         221 

Guadeloupe  station,  being  instructed  to  allow  Trux- 
tun  to  cruise  independently  with  the  President  and 
one  other  vessel.  February  1,  1801,  Barry  had 
with  him  at  St.  Christopher,  besides  his  own  ship, 
the  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Warren,  Eagle,  and 
Enterprise.  The  Merrimack  had  recently  gone 
back  to  Boston  with  a  convoy  from  St.  Thomas. 
In  the  summer  of  1800,  the  George  Washington, 
Captain  Bainbridge,  had  been  sent  to  Algiers  on 
a  special  mission.  The  Connecticut  and  the  Ganges 
had  been  ordered  to  the  East  Indies,  but,  with 
peace  in  prospect,  they  did  not  go.  The  Delaware 
was  in  Cuban  waters.  Most  of  the  other  vessels, 
not  on  the  San  Domingo  station,  were  in  home 
ports.  Barry  was  soon  notified  that  a  convention 
between  the  United  States  and  France  had  been 
concluded,  and  he  was  directed  to  "  treat  the  armed 
vessels  of  France,  public  or  private,  exactly  as  you 
find  they  treat  our  trading  vessels."  The  treaty 
was  ratified  February  3,  1801,  and  was  sent  to 
France  by  a  bearer  of  dispatches,  who  set  out 
from  Baltimore  on  the  Maryland,  Captain  Eodgers, 
March  22.  The  next  day  the  Herald,  Captain 
Russell,  was  ordered  to  the  West  Indies  to  recall 
the  various  cruisers  from  their  stations ;  she  sailed 
from  Boston  on  this  duty  April  11.  The  United 
States  returned  home  just  after  this.1 

1  Nov.  Chron.  pp.  171,  174-176  ;  Barry,  pp.  405-407 ;  Picker 
ing,  vol.  xiii,  378,  380,  386 ;  Gazette  of  U.  S.  May  28,  1800 ; 
Mass.  Mercury,  April  22,  25,  August  1, 1800,  January  2,  February 


222        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

About  eighty-five  prizes  were  taken  by  the  navy 
from  the  French  during  the  war,  not  counting  re 
captured  vessels  and  small  boats.  Two  of  these, 
being  national  vessels,  were  afterwards  given  up 
under  the  treaty,  and  about  a  dozen  had  already 
been  surrendered  on  account  of  being  illegal  cap 
tures  or  for  other  reasons.  The  only  national  ves 
sel  taken  from  the  Americans  by  the  French  was 
the  Ketaliation,  which  had  previously  been  cap 
tured  from  the  French  and  was  again  taken  from 
them.  The  value  of  the  prizes  condemned,  about 
seventy  in  number,  was  probably  not  less  than 
seven  hundred  thousand  dollars.1 

The  whole  cost  of  the  American  navy  from  1794 
to  the  return  of  the  ships  to  port  in  the  spring 
of  1801  was  about  ten  million  dollars,  of  which 
six  millions  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  estimate  of  the 
actual  expense  of  protecting  American  commerce 
against  French  depredation.  During  the  years 
1798  to  1800  inclusive,  the  value  of  the  exports 
from  the  United  States  thus  protected  was  over 
two  hundred  million  dollars,  and  the  revenue  de 
rived  from  imports  was  more  than  twenty-two 
million  dollars.2  Unquestionably  a  very  large  pro- 

3,  6,  17,  March  13,  April  3,  7,  14,  May  1,  1801 ;  Conn.  Courant, 
August  4,  1800 ;  Columbian  Centinel,  September  17,  December  6, 
1800. 

1  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  182-185 ;  Emmons,  pp.  48-53.  The  prize  lists 
of  Goldsborough  and  Emmons  differ  slightly  ;  probably  neither  is 
complete  or  accurate. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  185-187. 


THE  LAST  YEAR  OF  THE  WAR         223 

portion  of  this  profitable  trade  would  have  been 
discouraged  through  fear  or  lost  by  spoliation,  had 
it  not  been  for  naval  protection. 

In  estimating  the  degree  of  credit  due  the  navy 
for  its  exploits  in  this  contest,  it  should  not  be  for 
gotten  that  the  French  navy  at  this  period  was  in 
a  demoralized  condition.  In  the  old  navy  of  France, 
nearly  all  the  officers  were  members  of  the  nobil 
ity.  When  the  service  was  reorganized  under  the 
republic,  most  of  these  officers  withdrew  or  were 
driven  out,  and  some  perished  by  the  guillotine. 
Their  places  were  filled  by  inexperienced  men 
from  the  merchant  marine  and  privateersmen.  The 
extreme  republican  ideas  of  the  Kevolution,  more 
over,  were  not  conducive  to  discipline,  and  in 
subordination  was  prevalent.  Unwise  legislation 
seriously  impaired  the  efficiency  of  the  service,  and 
mismanagement  brought  about  deterioration  of 
ships  and  equipment.1  Nevertheless,  the  national 
French  ships  with  which  the  Americans  contended 
appear  to  have  been  well  and  bravely  fought.  And 
the  American  navy  also  was  organized  under  diffi 
culties,  notably  the  opposition  of  a  large  proportion 
of  the  people,  the  inexperience  of  the  civil  admin 
istrators,  and  the  unmilitary  character  of  large 
numbers  of  the  officers  and  men. 

In  his  speech  to  Congress,  November  22,  1800, 
President  Adams  said  :  "  The  present  Navy  of  the 
United  States,  called  suddenly  into  existence  by  a 

1  Mahan,  ch.  ii. 


224        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

great  national  exigency,  has  raised  us  in  our  own 
esteem ;  and  by  the  protection  afforded  to  our 
commerce  has  effected  to  the  extent  of  our  expec 
tations  the  objects  for  which  it  was  created."  l 

1  Nav.  Chron.  p.  175. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS 

THERE  were  probably  no  American  privateers, 
strictly  speaking,  at  this  time ;  that  is  to  say,  ves 
sels  devoted  solely  to  purposes  of  war;  but  most 
merchantmen  were  armed  for  defense,  and  a  large 
number  of  them  were  commissioned  under  the  act 
of  July  9,  1798,  which  permitted  them  to  capture 
French  armed  vessels.1  As  a  rule  they  carried  a 
light  battery  and  a  small  crew ;  fighting  was  a  con 
sideration  secondary  to  trade.  A  few  vessels  were 
more  formidable.  The  China  of  Philadelphia  was 
a  ship  of  more  than  a  thousand  tons,  and  carried 
thirty-six  guns  and  a  hundred  and  fifty-one  men ; 
but  Captain  Preble  says  she  was  "  too  top-heavy  to 
be  safe  in  carrying  sail."  2  There  were  many  spir 
ited  actions  between  American  and  French  private 
armed  vessels.  The  French,  often  true  privateers, 
were  generally  much  the  more  powerful,  and  some 
times  succeeded  in  capturing  the  Americans;  but 
in  most  cases  the  vessels  separated  after  disabling 
each  other  more  or  less  seriously. 

Perhaps  the  earliest  conflict  between  vessels  of 
this  class  was  that  of  the  ship  Eliza  of  Charleston 
with  a  French  privateer  of  greatly  superior  force, 

1  See  above,  pp.  58,  59.  2  Essex,  pp.  75,  78. 


226        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

in  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  July  5,  1798.  After  fighting 
an  hour  and  a  quarter  the  Eliza  was  compelled  to 
strike.1  December  31, 1798,  the  ship  Perseverance 
of  Salem  was  chased  in  the  Old  Bahama  Channel 
by  a  schooner  under  Spanish  colors,  which  later 
were  hauled  down  and  the  English  flag  hoisted  in 
their  place.  The  schooner  came  up  on  the  starboard 
quarter  of  the  Perseverance  and  gave  her  a  broad 
side,  which  she  answered  with  her  stern  guns  and 
then,  coming  into  the  wind  as  the  schooner  passed, 
returned  the  broadside.  The  privateer  then  tacked 
and  fired  another  broadside.  Soon  after  this  she 
struck  the  English  flag,  hoisted  French  colors,  and 
made  off.2 

The  schooner  Charming  Betsey  of  Baltimore,  with 
twenty  men  and  eight  four  pounders,  off  the  harbor 
of  Curasao,  March  8,  1799,  fell  in  with  the  French 
privateer  Revenge,  with  eighty  men  and  nine  six 
pounders.  "  At  3  P.  M.  discovered  a  French  priva 
teer  bearing  down  on  us.  She  hauled  her  wind  in 
our  weather  quarter  and  hoisted  a  red  flag ;  hailed 
us  where  from  and  where  bound?  We  answered 
from  Curracoa  to  Laguira.  She  then  ordered  us 
to  haul  down  our  colors,  which  Captain  Conway 
refused.  She  then  fired  a  volley  of  musquetry  into 
the  Charming  Betsey,  which  was  immediately  re 
turned.  A  close  and  warm  action  now  commenced, 
which  continued  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour, 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  December  4,  1798. 

2  Salem  Gazette,  March  5,  1799. 


PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS  227 

during  which  time  the  privateer  made  two  attempts 
to  board  us.  The  Charming  Betsey  received  con 
siderable  damage  in  her  rigging,  spars  and  sails 
and  both  topmasts  shot  away  and  the  captain  and 
three  men  wounded ;  bore  away  for  the  harbor  of 
Curracoa,  where  she  arrived  and  the  privateer 
immediately  after  her.  The  privateer  received  con 
siderable  damage  and  had  ten  men  killed  and 
wounded,  five  of  whom  were  thrown  overboard  pre 
vious  to  her  arrival  in  port.  The  Charming  Betsey 
would  certainly  have  taken  the  privateer  had  her 
matches  not  given  out,  which  prevented  her  from 
raking  her  twice,  as  her  guns  could  not  be  got  off."  1 
On  the  same  day  that  the  Betsey  fought  the 
Revenge  the  ship  Molly  of  Philadelphia,  bound  to 
Liverpool,  "  saw  a  cutter  standing  athwart  us  to 
the  northward,  we  then  steering  an  east  course  for 
Cape  Clear.  ...  At  half -past  eight  she  tacked 
and  stood  for  us  ;  at  nine  she  was  within  gunshot, 
and  on  hoisting  my  ensign  she  immediately  ran  up 
a  French  national  flag  at  her  topmast  head  and 
fired  a  shot  between  our  main  and  fore  mast.  She 
then  tacked  and  reconnoitred  us,  giving  us  her 
stern  chases  in  going  about.  We  retained  our  fire 
and  continued  our  course  under  our  topsails.  .  .  . 
At  a  quarter  past  meridian  she  recommenced  fir 
ing,  and  running  under  our  starboard  quarter  at 
tempted  to  board  us,  which  was  happily  prevented 
and  we  immediately  exchanged  broadsides.  She 

1  Conn.  Courant,  April  15,  1799. 


228         OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH   FRANCE 

then  approached  us  on  the  larboard  quarter  within 
pistol  shot  and  gave  us  her  other  broadside,  which 
we  instantly  returned.  She  then  hauled  off  a  little, 
removed  her  ensign  to  her  main  peak,  and  running 
up  a  pendant  to  the  masthead,  immediately  at 
tempted  again  to  board  on  our  starboard  quarter, 
which  was  as  before  prevented.  We  then  ex 
changed  broadsides  twice,  when  she  sheered  off, 
hauled  down  her  colors  and  lay  to.  She  was  a  fine 
new  brig  of  sixteen  sixes  and  full  of  men,  was 
coppered  and  sailed  very  fast.  We  have  received 
considerable  damage  in  our  sails,  rigging,  and  hull, 
but  thank  God,  have  not  lost  one  of  our  men."  1 
Although  the  privateer  struck  her  colors,  it  does 
not  appear  that  the  Molly  took  possession.  The 
French  ship  Columbus  of  four  guns,  bound  from 
Guadeloupe  to  St.  Thomas,  was  captured  in  June, 
1799,  by  the  brig  Genius  of  New  York,  of  four 
teen  guns,  and  was  sent  into  Tortola  and  con 
demned  for  the  benefit  of  the  captors  by  a  British 
court  of  admiralty.2 

The  ship  Planter  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads 
June  18,  1799,  and  on  July  10,  in  latitude  49° 
North,  longitude  17°  30'  West,  a  sail  was  sighted. 
The  Planter  cleared  for  action  and  at  5.30  p.  M. 
lay  to  for  her.  "  She  then  bore  down  under  our 
starboard  quarter,  fired  one  gun  into  us  and  showed 
National  Colors;  we  found  her  to  be  a  Privateer  of 

1  Mass.  Spy,  May  15,  1799. 

2  Salem  Gazette,  August  9,  1799. 


PRIVATE   ARMED   VESSELS  229 

twenty-two  guns,  twelves,  nines,  and  sixes,  with 
small  arms  in  the  tops  and  full  of  men.  We  im 
mediately  rounded  to  and  gave  her  a  broadside, 
which  commenced  the  action  on  both  sides.  The 
first  broadside  we  received  cut  away  all  our  hal 
yards,  top  sheets  and  braces,  and  killed  three  men 
on  the  quarter-deck.  We  kept  up  a  constant  fire 
for  two  glasses  and  a  half,  when  he  sheered  off  to 
repair  damage  and  in  about  one  glass  returned  to 
board  us  with  his  bloody  flag  hoisted.  We  were  all 
in  readiness  to  receive  him,  got  our  broadsides  to 
bear  upon  him  and  poured  in  our  langrage  and 
grape-shot  with  great  success.  A  heavy  fire  was 
kept  up  on  both  sides  for  three  glasses,  the  second 
time  —  in  all  the  engagement  continued  firing  for 
five  glasses.  At  last  he  found  we  would  not  give 
out  and,  night  coming  on,  sheered  off  and  stood  to 
the  southwest."  The  Planter  had  twelve  nine 
pounders  and  six  six  pounders,  and  forty-three 
men,  four  of  whom  were  killed  and  eight  wounded. 
The  French  were  seen  to  throw  several  dead  over 
board.1 

The  Mount  Vernon  of  Salem,  Captain  E.  H. 
Derby,  a  ship  of  four  hundred  tons,  twenty  guns  — 
nine  and  six  pounders  —  and  fifty-three  men,  sailed 
for  the  Mediterranean  in  the  summer  of  1799. 
July  28,  to  the  eastward  of  the  Azores,  she  fell  in 
with  "  a  fleet  of  upwards  of  fifty  sail,  steering  nearly 
N.  E."  Captain  Derby,  writing  to  his  father,  the 
1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  September  12,  1799. 


230        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

owner  of  the  vessel,  says :  "  We  run  directly  for 
their  centre ;  at  4  o'clock  found  ourselves  in  their 
half -moon ;  concluding  it  impossible  that  it  could 
be  any  other  than  the  English  fleet,  continued  our 
course  for  their  centre  to  avoid  any  apprehension 
of  a  want  of  confidence  in  them.  They  soon  dis 
patched  an  18  gun  ship  from  their  centre  and  two 
frigates,  one  from  their  van  and  another  from  the 
rear,  to  beat  towards  us,  we  being  to  windward. 
On  approaching  under  easy  sail  the  centre  ship,  I 
fortunately  bethought  myself  that  it  would  be  but 
common  prudence  to  steer  so  far  to  windward  of 
him  as  to  be  a  grapeshot's  distance  from  him,  to 
observe  his  force  and  manoauvring.  When  we  were 
abreast  of  him  he  fired  a  gun  to  leeward  and  hoisted 
English  colors.  We  immediately  bore  away  and 
meant  to  pass  under  his  quarter,  between  him  and 
the  fleet,  showing  our  American  colors.  This  move 
ment  disconcerted  him,  and  it  appeared  to  me  he 
conceived  we  were  either  an  American  sloop  of  war 
or  an  English  one  in  disguise,  attempting  to  cut 
him  off  from  the  fleet ;  for  while  we  were  in  the 
act  of  wearing  on  his  beam,  he  hoisted  French 
colors  and  gave  us  his  broadside.  We  immediately 
brought  our  ship  to  the  wind  and  stood  on  about 
a  mile,  wore  towards  the  centre  of  the  fleet,  hove 
about  and  crossed  him  on  the  other  tack  about 
half  grapeshot  distance  and  received  his  broadside  ; 
several  of  his  shot  fell  on  board  of  us  and  cut  our 
sails,  two  round  shot  striking  us  without  much 


PRIVATE   ARMED   VESSELS  231 

damage.  All  hands  were  active  in  clearing  ship  for 
action,  for  our  surprise  had  been  complete.  In  about 
ten  minutes  we  commenced  firing  our  stern  chasers 
and  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  gave  him  our  broadside 
in  such  a  style  as  evidently  sickened  him,  for  he 
immediately  luffed  in  the  wind,  gave  us  his  broad 
side,  went  in  stays  in  great  confusion,  wore  ship 
afterwards  in  a  large  circle,  and  renewed  the  chase 
at  a  mile  and  a  half  distance;  a  mano3uvre  calcu 
lated  to  keep  up  appearances  with  the  fleet  and  to 
escape  our  shot.  We  received  seven  or  eight  broad 
sides  from  him,  and  I  was  mortified  at  not  having 
it  in  my  power  to  return  him  an  equal  number 
without  exposing  myself  to  the  rest  of  the  fleet; 
for  I  am  persuaded  I  should  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  sending  him  home  had  he  been  separated  from 
them."  * 

The  fleet  was  lost  sight  of  during  the  night.  The 
next  day  the  Mount  Vernon  was  chased  by  two  frig 
ates,  and  the  day  after  by  a  French  lateen  rigged 
vessel.  That  night  she  was  off  Cadiz,  and  the  next 
day,  July  31,  proceeded  to  Gibraltar,  "where  we 
arrived  at  12  o'clock,  popping  at  Frenchmen  all 
the  forenoon.  At  10  A.  M.,  off  Algesiras  Point,  were 
seriously  attacked  by  a  large  lateener  who  had  on 
board  more  than  a  hundred  men.  He  came  so  near 
our  broadside  as  to  allow  our  six  pound  grape  to  do 
execution  handsomely.  We  then  bore  away  and  gave 
him  our  stern  guns  in  a  cool  and  deliberate  manner, 

1  Hunt's  Merchants1  Magazine,  February,  1857,  pp.  181,  182. 


232         OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

doing  apparently  great  execution.  Our  bars  having 
cut  his  sails  considerably,  he  was  thrown  into  con 
fusion,  struck  both  his  ensign  and  his  pennant.  I 
was  then  puzzled  to  know  what  to  do  with  so  many 
men  ;  our  ship  was  running  large  with  all  her  steer 
ing  sails  out,  so  that  we  could  not  immediately  bring 
her  to  the  wind,  and  we  were  directly  off  Algesiras 
Point,  from  whence  I  had  reason  to  fear  she  might 
receive  assistance  and  my  port,  Gibraltar,  in  full 
view.  These  were  circumstances  that  induced  me 
to  give  up  the  gratification  of  bringing  him  in.  It 
was,  however,  a  satisfaction  to  flog  the  rascal  in  full 
view  of  the  English  fleet,  who  were  to  leeward."  1 

The  supercargo  of  the  ship  London  Packet  of 
Baltimore  writes  that  on  September  10,  1799,  "  we 
had  a  very  severe  engagement  with  a  French  priva 
teer  of  sixteen  guns  and  150  men.  She  engaged  us 
an  hour  and  three  quarters,  half  of  which  time  she 
was  close  alongside.  A  little  before  she  attempted 
to  board  us  they  hoisted  the  bloody  flag,  which 
proved  a  bloody  one  to  them,  as  every  man  who 
attempted  to  board  suffered  instant  death.  Consid 
ering  the  desperate  attempts  they  made,  we  got  off 
well.  I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  we  had  three  men 
killed,  one  of  whom  was  our  second  mate,  Mr.  Lind 
say,  a  spirited  and  active  officer,  and  two  wounded, 
one  of  whom  was  Captain  Anderson,  who  received 
a  ball  in  his  right  breast.  It  was  8  o'clock  at  night 
when  the  privateer  sheered  off  from  us,  unable  to 
1  Hunt's  Merchants'  Mag.  February,  1857,  p.  182. 


PRIVATE   ARMED   VESSELS  233 

effect  her  point.  Some  of  her  sails  were  on  fire  from 
the  wads  from  our  guns ;  and  some  of  our  own  sails 
being  likewise  on  fire  from  a  similar  cause  prevented 
our  capturing  her.  Had  it  not  been  for  that  circum 
stance  we  should  have  lashed  her  to  the  ship  and 
made  a  prize  of  her."  The  fire  got  into  the  cabin  of 
the  London  Packet  and  nearly  reached  the  maga 
zine.  Her  force  in  guns  and  men  is  not  given.1 

On  a  voyage  from  New  York  to  New  Orleans 
the  private  armed  vessel  Chesapeake,  of  twenty 
guns,  was  thirty-seven  miles  north  of  Havana  Oc 
tober  2, 1799,  and  the  captain's  narrative  says  that 
"  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.  the  man  at  the  mast  head  de 
scried  a  sail  coming  out  from  the  land  and  bearing 
down  upon  us.  At  meridian  we  found  she  gained 
upon  us  very  fast  and  then  prepared  for  action.  At 
3  P.  M.  I  consulted  with  my  officers  and  cabin  pas 
sengers,  who  all  agreed  that  it  would  not  be  pru 
dent  to  hazard  an  action  in  the  night  should  the 
vessel  then  in  shore  of  us  prove  to  be  an  enemy, 
and  therefore  concluded  to  shorten  sail  and  see  who 
she  was  before  dark.  At  half-past  four  she  fired 
upon  us  and  hoisted  English  colors,  which  we  re 
turned  with  a  stern  chaser  and  hoisted  our  ensign, 
on  which  she  immediately  hoisted  the  bloody  flag 
at  her  foretopmast  head.  At  a  quarter  past  five 
she  came  up  under  our  stern.  I  then  hailed  them 
and  inquired  who  they  were  and  where  from,  but 
could  not  understand  the  answer  ;  they  then  hailed 
1  Gazette  of  U.  S.  October  3,  1799. 


234        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

me  in  English  and  ordered  me  to  lay  my  topsails 
to  the  mast  or  to  abide  by  the  consequences.  I  re 
plied  that  I  was  an  American  and  would  protect 
the  trade.  The  word  American  was  scarcely  uttered 
before  they  gave  three  cheers  and  poured  a  broad 
side  and  volley  of  small  arms  into  us,  which  we  re 
turned,  and  a  desperate  engagement  ensued  which 
lasted  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  when  her  quarter 
deck  blew  up  and  she  went  down  stern  foremost. 
I  immediately  hove  my  ship  to  and  hoisted  my  boat 
out,  but  unfortunately  could  not  save  one  man. 
She  was  a  schooner  mounting  twelve  or  fourteen 
guns  and  manned,  as  near  as  we  could  judge,  with 
about  eighty  men.  We  had  two  men  wounded,  one 
of  whom  died  the  next  morning ;  the  other  is  in  a 
fair  way  to  recovery.  My  ship  received  material 
injury  in  her  masts,  spars,  and  rigging,  the  enemy 
having  fired  all  kinds  of  combustibles  and  mate 
rials  into  us,  such  as  iron  spikes  (22  inches  long), 
slugs,  etc."  J  Some  of  the  vessels  with  which  the 
Americans  contended  displayed  an  indifference  as 
to  what  flag  they  fought  under,  which  suggests  a 
good  deal  of  doubt  of  their  being  legitimate  priva 
teers  of  France. 

A  letter  from  William  Smith,  United  States 
minister  to  Portugal,  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
dated  Lisbon,  November  2,  1799,  says:  "Two 
days  ago  arrived  here  in  distress  the  [ship]  Wash 
ington,  Capt.  Williamson,  bound  from  London  to 

1  Gazette  of  U.  S.  November  21,  1799. 


PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS  235 

Philadelphia,  with  thirty-four  passengers.  She 
mounts  22  guns,  has  seventy  men,  and  off  Scilly 
fought  two  hours  a  large  French  privateer  of  28 
guns  and  beat  her  off.  She  had  one  killed  and  two 
wounded."  Later  letters  say  that  the  French  ves 
sel  was  "  the  Balance,  a  Privateer  from  Bordeaux 
of  30  guns,  which  was  obliged  to  put  into  Corunna 
to  refit,"  and  that  she  had  a  crew  of  two  hundred 
men,  thirty  of  whom  were  killed  and  many  wounded.1 
Captain  James  Williamson  of  the  twenty-two 
gun  ship  Perseverance  of  Philadelphia,  wrote  from 
Lisbon,  November  2, 1799  :  "  Scilly  bearing  N.  E. 
forty  leagues  at  daylight  in  the  morning  (Oct.  24) 
I  perceived  a  large  ship  standing  after  us  under 
easy  sail.  Finding  he  could  come  up  with  us  when 
he  pleased,  I  shortened  sail  and  hove  to  for  him 
and  got  all  clear  for  action.  At  10  A.  M.  he  came 
up  on  our  larboard  quarter,  hoisted  French  colors 
and  gave  me  a  gun.  I  immediately  hoisted  Ameri 
can  colors  and  returned  it,  which  commenced  a  very 
hot  and  close  action,  being  within  half  pistol  shot 
the  most  of  the  time.  She  was  frigate  built,  mounted 
24  guns  on  her  deck  and  four  on  the  quarter-deck, 
and  was  crowded  with  men  ;  a  great  number  on  the 
upper  deck  at  the  small  arms.  He  kept  a  very  hot 
fire  from  his  gun  deck,  chiefly  directed  to  disable 
us  in  the  rigging  in  which  he  completely  succeeded, 
as  early  in  the  action  my  rigging  and  sails  were 
cut  to  pieces,  so  that  I  had  not  the  least  command 

1  Pickering,  vol.  xxv,  267,  280,  281. 


236        OUR  NAVAL   WAR   WITH   FRANCE 

of  the  ship,  nor  could  brace  a  yard  about.  At  the 
second  and  third  broadsides  the  most  of  the  carron- 
ades  overset  and  had  but  seven  guns  on  that  side  to 
engage  with,  but  the  well-directed  and  hot  fire  kept 
up  from  them  obliged  him,  after  an  hour  and  ten 
minutes'  severe  action,  to  haul  off.  He  left  me  so 
complete  a  wreck  that  I  could  not  set  one  sail  to 
follow  him.  I  had  one  man  killed  and  two  severely 
wounded.  He  hove  to  about  two  miles  to  windward 
and  was  busy  employed  repairing  damages  and 
plugging  shot  holes.  We  were  likewise  all  employed 
about  the  rigging,  but  it  was  so  bad  that  it  was 
with  the  greatest  exertions  I  could  get  the  fore 
and  main  topsails  half  set.  At  noon  he  bore  down 
upon  us  again  and  at  once  we  commenced  another 
very  severe  action  for  an  hour  and  a  quarter,  when 
he  made  all  sail  possible  and  stood  off  to  the 
S.  E."  The  spars,  rigging,  and  sails  of  the  Per 
severance  were  so  much  injured  that  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  she  succeeded  in  getting  into 
Lisbon.1 

The  private  armed  vessel  Atlantic,  in  company 
with  an  English  vessel,  was  attacked  December  11, 
1799,  and  again  the  next  day  by  a  French  priva 
teer  of  twenty-four  twelve  pounders  and  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men,  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal.  On  each 
occasion  the  privateer  was  beaten  off  after  a  severe 

1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  February  6,  1800;  the  similarity  of 
names,  dates,  and  circumstances  suggests  the  possible  identity  of 
the  Washington  and  Perseverance. 


PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS  237 

engagement.  The  English  vessel  carried  eleven 
four  pounders  and  twenty-seven  men ;  the  Atlantic 
carried  carronades,  but  neither  the  number  nor 
weight  nor  the  number  of  men  is  given  in  the 
account.1 

Captain  Joy  of  the  ship  Nancy  of  Boston,  with 
ten  six  pounders  and  twenty-seven  men,  wrote  from 
Havana,  March  16,  1800:  "  After  leaving  Boston 
we  took  the  wind  from  the  S.  W.  with  strong  gales, 
which  lasted  fifteen  days  and  drove  us  so  far  to  the 
eastward  that  we  fell  in  with  a  French  privateer 
schooner  of  16  guns  and  100  men  or  upwards.  He 
engaged  us  under  the  bloody  flag  at  the  distance 
of  pistol  shot  for  an  hour.  Many  shot  passed 
through  our  sails  and  rigging.  Night  came  on,  and 
he  hauled  his  wind  and  lay  at  the  distance  of  two 
miles  until  ten  the  next  morning ;  he  then  came 
down  with  his  grapplings  at  the  yard  arm  and 
grappled  us  upon  our  starboard  quarter  with  his 
jib  stay  on  our  boarding  spar.  As  he  crossed  our 
stern  he  began  with  his  musketry  and  cannon, 
thinking  to  drive  us  from  our  quarters,  which  he 
had  nearly  accomplished  and  began  jumping  on 
board;  but  we  rallied  and  stuck  so  close  to  them 
with  our  muskets  and  boarding  pikes  that  they 
were  obliged  to  return  on  board,  after  being  in 
our  main  and  mizzen  chains  three  or  four  times. 
After  three  glasses,  by  cutting  our  rigging  that  his 
grapplings  were  fast  to,  he  cleared  his  jib  stay  and 

1  Gazette  of  U.  S.  May  2,  1800. 


238        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

we  parted.  We  had  one  man  killed  and  seven 
wounded,  but  none  of  us  mortally.  One  nine  pound 
shot  went  through  the  foremast  and  one  through 
the  mainmast ;  likewise  a  number  of  smaller  shot. 
Our  main  top  shot  much  to  pieces  and  twenty  shot 
through  our  mizzenmast.  In  fact,  when  they  left 
us  there  was  at  least  3000  shot  of  different  kinds 
through  our  hull,  sails,  and  rigging.  Our  topsail, 
topgallant  haulyards,  jib  stay,  topping  lift  and 
braces  were  all  shot  away;  yards  down  on  the 
caps,  sails  overboard,  and  the  ship  on  fire  in  three 
or  four  different  places.  He  lay  with  his  head  one 
way  and  we  the  other  for  two  hours.  After  I  had 
got  my  braces  rove  and  topsail  set  and  stood  on  my 
course  he  came  after  me  again  ;  about  four  o'clock 
he  overtook  and  gave  us  another  broadside,  and  we 
returned  it.  He  then  hauled  his  wind  and  left  us, 
which  was  36  hours  from  the  time  he  fell  in  with 
us."  * 

The  Straits  of  Gibraltar  and  the  neighboring 
waters  were  infested  at  this  period  with  French 
and  Spanish  privateers,  many  of  them  small  gun 
boats,  which  came  out  from  Algeciras  and  other 
ports,  often  in  considerable  numbers,  and  attacked 
vessels  entering  the  straits,  especially  in  calm 
weather.  In  January,  1800,  the  ship  Favorite  of 
Boston  was  attacked  by  two  of  these  privateers 
off  Tarifa,  and  a  little  later  fought  an  hour  and  a 
half  with  four  others.  There  was  no  wind,  and 
1  Independent  Chronicle,  April  17,  1800. 


PRIVATE  ARMED   VESSELS  239 

she  finally  got  into   Gibraltar  with  the  help  of 
sweeps.1 

A  letter  from  the  ship  Industry  of  Boston,  Cap 
tain  Gamaliel  Bradford,  dated  Lisbon,  July  23, 
1800,  and  apparently  written  by  the  supercargo, 
says :  "  I  have  the  misfortune  of  having  the  pain 
ful  task  allotted  to  me  to  communicate  the  very 
unfortunate  accident  that  Captain  Bradford  met 
with  on  the  8th  July.  We  sailed  from  Naples  on 
the  15th  June,  and  arrived  safely  off  Gibraltar  on 
the  8th  July.  Conceiving  it  not  safe  to  enter  this 
port  by  reason  of  the  annoyance  given  by  the 
Spanish  gunboats,  we  proceeded  for  Lisbon.  Soon 
after  entering  the  Gut  about  one  league,  there 
came  from  shore  a  large  French  privateer,  which 
came  in  sight  of  our  guns,  but  did  not  like  our 
appearance;  she  hauled  her  wind  and  went  astern. 
She  then  fired  a  gun  and  hoisted  French  colors 
with  a  bloody  flag  and  began  firing  at  us,  but  was 
at  such  a  distance  that  we  could  not  reach  her 
with  our  stern  guns,  although  she  from  her  bows 
was  throwing  her  grape  shot  into  and  beyond  us. 
Captain  Bradford  said  all  we  could  do  was  to  wait 
until  she  came  nearer,  when  he  hoped  we  should  be 
able  to  give  the  rascals  what  they  deserved.  After 
firing  above  an  hour  at  that  distance  she  came 
nearer,  but  finding  there  was  danger  in  the  at 
tempt,  she  again  returned  to  her  former  distance, 
where  she  continued  firing  her  bow  chases.  Soon 

1  Columbian  Centinel,  April  16,  1800. 


240        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

after,  three  other  privateers,  one  nearly  as  large  as 
the  first,  came  out,  and  all  of  them  commenced 
firing  at  our  stern.  Conceiving  themselves  much 
superior  in  force,  they  became  bolder  and  ap 
proached  nearer,  so  that  we  were  enabled  to  keep 
a  steady  firing  upon  them,  but  they  had  much 
heavier  guns  than  we,  particularly  the  two  large 
privateers.  The  wind  blowing  fresher,  the  two 
smallest  were  not  able  to  do  much  harm.  A  strong 
current  against  us  and  having  many  of  our  sails 
and  spars  shot  away,  we  could  not  carry  sail  except 
before  the  wind,  and  in  this  course  moved  slowly 
through  the  water.  After  engaging  these  pirates 
three  hours,  Captain  Bradford  was  unfortunately 
wounded  by  a  grape  shot  in  the  thigh,  which  en 
tered  the  back  part  a  little  above  the  knee  and 
went  nearly  through."  The  captain  was  taken  be 
low.  The  fight  continued  two  and  a  half  hours 
longer,  and  the  privateers  then  sheered  off.  The 
Industry  mounted  twelve  six  pounders  and  had 
twenty-five  men.  One  of  the  privateers  mounted 
ten  guns,  the  bow  guns  being  eighteen  pounders ; 
another  carried  eight  guns,  and  the  other  two  had 
guns  in  their  bows  only.  The  Industry  continued 
her  voyage,  going  to  Cadiz,  and  finally  reaching 
Lisbon  in  ten  days,  delayed  by  head  winds.  Here 
Captain  Bradford  had  his  thigh  amputated;  he 
was  kindly  treated  by  the  captain  and  surgeon  of 
a  British  man-of-war.1 

1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  September  11,  1800. 


PRIVATE  ARMED   VESSELS  241 

Captain  Haggard  of  the  ship  Louisa  of  Phila 
delphia,  carrying  twelve  six  pounders  and  thirty 
men,  wrote  from  Gibraltar,  August  27,  1800, 
that  at  daylight  on  the  20th,  off  Tarifa,  "  we  dis 
covered  several  French  and  Spanish  privateers  and 
gunboats  making  the  best  use  of  their  sails  and 
sweeps  to  get  out.  There  were  then  four  American 
brigs  in  sight,  one  near  the  Spanish  shore  and 
three  astern  of  us.  Two  of  the  latter  we  had  spoke 
some  days  before;  they  were  the  Greyhound  from 
Boston  and  the  Huntress  from  New  York.  The 
others  were  unknown  to  us.  Several  of  the  priva 
teers  fired  at  the  brig  inshore,  who  appeared  to  be 
without  guns,  and  at  length  a  gunboat  approaching 
very  close,  she  was  obliged  to  strike."  Two  priva 
teers  then  attacked  the  Greyhound,  and  later  a 
privateer  and  a  gunboat  fell  upon  the  Louisa.  "  As 
they  both  sailed  fast  and  made  use  of  their  sweeps 
they  were  soon  near  us,  and  at  six  A.  M.  began 
their  fire,  which  we  returned.  After  a  continual 
firing  for  six  glasses,  finding  they  had  cut  our  rig 
ging  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  our  ship  per 
fectly  unmanageable,  the  privateer  made  an  attempt 
to  board  on  our  stern,  while  the  gunboat  lay  upon 
our  larboard  quarter  and  kept  up  a  constant  fire 
at  about  pistol  shot.  They  first  attempted  to  enter 
the  cabin  windows  and  burst  them  in  with  their 
muskets,  but  were  repulsed.  They  next  tried  upon 
our  starboard  quarter,  but  those  who  got  on  the 
sides  were  forced  back.  They  then  lashed  their 


242        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

bowsprit  to  our  mizzen  chain,  but  the  ship  taking 
a  broad  sheer,  it  broke  and  swinging  round  they 
were  brought  directly  under  our  quarter  guns, 
which  were  constantly  fired  into  them  loaded  with 
grape  and  accompanied  with  three  cheers,  when 
they  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  Spanish 
shore  attended  by  their  friend  the  gunboat.  They 
had  scarcely  left  us  when  a  vessel  with  Spanish 
colors  came  out  and  fired  several  shot  at  us,  but 
on  being  answered  and  finding  us  in  a  better  dis 
position  for  another  action  than  our  shattered  ap 
pearance  evinced,  thought  proper  to  return.  During 
the  engagement  we  had  the  pleasure  to  see  three 
brigs  escape."  The  privateer  that  had  attempted 
to  board  the  Louisa  "  had  three  masts  with  lateen 
sails ;  she  mounted  two  brass  long  24  pounders  in 
the  bow  and  eight  in  her  waist  with  swivels,  and 
was  full  of  men."  It  was  afterwards  learned  that 
she  had  eleven  killed  and  thirteen  wounded;  the 
gunboat  had  one  killed.  On  the  Louisa  the  captain, 
who  was  wounded  in  the  shoulder,  was  the  only  one 
hurt.1 

Sometimes  a  vessel  captured  by  the  French  would 
be  recaptured  from  the  prize  crew  by  members  of 
the  former  crew  left  on  board.  The  ship  Hiram 
was  captured  by  a  French  sloop  of  war,  September 
29,  1800.  The  captain  and  his  seventeen-year-old 

1  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  November  17, 1800.  For  other  encoun 
ters  of  American  private  armed  vessels,  see  Maclay's  American 
Privateers,  p.  220 ;  Hoxse,  ch.  v ;  Mass.  Spy,  January  2, 1799 ;  Salem 
Gazette,  June  14, 1799 ;  Boston  Com.  Gazette,  May  29,  July  7, 1800. 


PRIVATE   ARMED  VESSELS  243 

brother,  who  was  second  mate,  one  seaman  and  a 
twelve-year-old  boy  were  left  on  board  with  a  prize 
crew  of  ten.  The  captain  had  concealed  his  pistols, 
and  they  determined  to  attempt  the  recapture  of 
the  ship.  The  captain  knocked  down  the  man  at 
the  wheel  and  threw  the  prize  master  overboard, 
but  he  caught  hold  of  the  main  chains  and  got  back 
again.  Two  other  men  were  knocked  down  and  one 
was  shot,  but  not  much  hurt.  Then  the  captain's 
brother  and  the  other  man  came  to  his  assistance 
with  handspikes.  They  chased  the  prize  crew  about 
the  deck  until  at  last  they  surrendered  and  were 
confined  below.  Later  the  Hiram  was  captured  by 
another  French  vessel,  but  was  recaptured  by  a 
British  frigate  and  sent  into  Martinique.1  The  brig 
Washington  of  Portsmouth  was  taken  November 
25,  1800,  by  a  French  privateer  off  St.  Lucia.  A 
prize  master  and  five  men  were  put  on  board  the 
Washington,  and  all  her  crew  taken  out  except  the 
captain  and  a  negro.  Early  one  morning  two  of  the 
Frenchmen  were  on  the  fore  topsail  yard,  one  was 
halfway  up  the  shrouds  and  one  at  the  helm,  while 
the  prize  master  and  another  man  were  on  the  fore 
castle.  The  captain  proposed  to  the  negro  that  they 
attempt  to  recapture  the  vessel,  and  armed  himself 
with  a  pump  handle  while  the  negro  took  the  cook's 
axe.  The  captain  knocked  down  the  helmsman  and 
threw  him  into  the  cabin.  The  negro  struck  the 
prize  master  a  fatal  blow  and  he  fell  overboard. 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  January  16,  1801. 


244        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

The  other  man  on  the  forecastle  was  also  struck 
down  with  the  axe,  but  recovered ;  he  drew  a  knife 
and  ran  at  the  captain  ;  but  was  again  struck  down, 
with  the  pump  handle.  The  man  on  the  shrouds 
jumped  into  the  sea  and  the  others  remained  aloft. 
The  captain  lowered  a  boat,  put  into  it  the  wounded 
men  and  some  stores,  allowed  those  aloft  to  get  in, 
gave  them  two  oars  and  the  course  to  Guadeloupe 
and  let  them  go.  The  boat  and  the  man  who  had 
jumped  overboard  were  afterwards  picked  up  by  a 
passing  vessel.  The  Washington  was  safely  navi 
gated  to  Dominica,  thence  to  St.  Christopher,  and 
finally  home,  having  joined  a  convoy.1 

1  Mass.  Mercury,  January  16,  1801.  For  another  instance,  see 
Ibid.  July  9, 1799. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE   CONVENTION   OF   1800 

IN  the  summer  of  1798  William  Vans  Murray, 
the  United  States  minister  to  Holland,  having  con 
versed  on  the  relations  between  his  country  and 
France  with  M.  Pichon,  the  secretary  of  the  French 
legation  at  the  Hague,  the  latter  reported  the  fact 
to  his  government.  Talleyrand  became  interested 
at  once,  and  began  again  the  tentative  negotiations 
in  which  he  had  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  en 
gage  Elbridge  Gerry  only  a  few  weeks  earlier.  He 
assured  Pichon  that  any  envoy  the  United  States 
might  send  to  France  "  would  be  undoubtedly  re 
ceived  with  the  respect  due  to  the  representative 
of  a  free,  independent,  and  powerful  nation,"  re 
peating  the  words  used  by  President  Adams  in 
his  message  of  June  21. 1  Of  course,  all  this  was 
promptly  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  State  by 
Murray,  who  was  thereupon  appointed  by  the 
President,  February  18,  1799,  minister  plenipo 
tentiary  to  treat  with  the  French  government. 
This  appointment  aroused  opposition,  chiefly  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  renew  nego 
tiations  with  France  at  that  time.  The  President 
then  appointed  two  other  envoys,  to  be  associated 

1  See  above,  p.  38. 


246        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

with  Murray,  —  Oliver  Ellsworth,  chief  justice  of 
the  United  States,  and  Patrick  Henry,  late  gov 
ernor  of  Virginia;  the  two  latter  to  set  out  for 
France  only  after  the  most  positive  assurances  had 
been  obtained  that  they  would  be  received  with  re 
spect.  The  nominations  were  thereupon  confirmed 
by  the  Senate.  Murray  was  instructed  to  hold  "  no 
more  indirect  and  inofficial  communications  "  with 
any  agent  of  France.  Talleyrand  gave  the  required 
assurance  that  the  envoys  would  be  properly  re 
ceived  and  respected.  Patrick  Henry,  on  account 
of  old  age  and  infirmity,  declined  to  serve,  and 
Governor  William  R.  Davie  of  North  Carolina  was 
appointed  in  his  place.1 

Meanwhile,  in  the  summer  of  1798,  George  Lo 
gan,  a  Quaker,  had  undertaken  a  private  mission 
to  France  on  his  own  responsibility.  From  inter 
views  with  members  of  the  Directory  he  became 
convinced  that  France  was  truly  well  disposed 
towards  America.  His  sole  object  in  making  this 
journey  seems  to  have  been  a  sincere  desire  to  pro 
mote  reconciliation,  but  his  motives  were  miscon 
strued  by  many,  and  a  suspicion  was  aroused  that 
his  purpose  was  treasonable.2 

The  envoys  of  the  United  States  government 
were  instructed,  October  22,  1799,  to  demand  in- 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  291-302  ;  Doc.  102,  pp.  648-660 ;  Richard 
son,  vol.  i,  pp.  282-284 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  141- 148 ;  Adams,  vol. 
viii,  pp.  677-691,  vol.  ix,  pp.  245-266. 

2  Washington,  vol.  xiv,  pp.  129-132 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  vii,  pp.  273, 
325 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  p.  272. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1800  247 

demnity  for  spoliations  of  American  commerce, 
basing  their  claims  upon  the  old  treaties  in  cases 
which  had  occurred  before  July  7, 1798,  the  date 
of  the  abrogation  of  the  treaties  by  Congress,  while 
claims  for  injuries  after  that  date  were  to  rest 
upon  the  law  of  nations.  They  were  then  to  nego 
tiate  a  treaty,  to  last  not  more  than  twelve  years. 
The  new  treaty  was  to  establish  a  commission  to 
adjust  the  claims  of  the  two  countries.  It  must 
not  contain  the  provisions  of  the  seventeenth  and 
twenty-second  articles  of  the  treaty  of  commerce 
of  1778,  relating  to  privateers  and  prizes ;  at  least, 
there  must  be  nothing  to  conflict  with  any  other 
treaty,  meaning  the  twenty-fourth  and  twenty-fifth 
articles  of  Jay's  treaty  with  England.  Nothing  was 
to  be  admitted  into  the  treaty  stipulating  alliance, 
guarantee  of  French  possessions,  consular  judicial 
authority,  or  any  promises  of  aid  or  of  loans.1 

Ellsworth  and  Davie  sailed  on  the  frigate  United 
States,  and  in  February,  1800,  arrived  in  Paris, 
where  Murray  joined  them  March  1.  This  was  after 
the  coup  d'etat  of  18  Brumaire,  when  the  Directory 
was  overthrown  and  the  Consulate  established.  They 
had,  therefore,  to  deal  with  Bonaparte,  first  consul, 
and  were  presented  to  him  March  8.  The  negotia 
tions,  which  had  been  delayed  by  the  illness  of 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  chief  of  the  French  commission 
ers  appointed  to  treat  with  the  Americans,  began 
April  7  and  continued  nearly  six  months. 
1  For.  Eel  vol.  ii,  p.  301 ;  Doc.  102,  p.  561. 


248        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH   FRANCE 

It  was  not  possible  to  come  to  an  agreement  on 
all  points.  The  American  envoys  wished  first  to  set 
tle  claims  for  injuries  inflicted  upon  commerce  be 
fore  the  abrogation  of  the  old  treaties  by  Congress ; 
but  the  French  contended  that  there  had  been  no 
abrogation,  as  this  would  have  required  the  consent 
of  both  parties  to  these  compacts.  They  would  not 
even  admit  that  the  treaties  would  have  lost  their 
force  in  case  of  war,  and  they  denied  that  the  pre 
sent  hostilities  constituted  war  in  the  full  sense.1 
However,  admitting  the  war  and  the  annulment  of 
the  treaties  by  it,  the  claims  likewise  had  been  liq 
uidated  by  war  and  no  indemnity  could  be  expected. 
They  were  willing  to  accept  this  view  of  the  case, 
and  on  August  11,  after  prolonged  discussion,  the 
French  commissioners  insisted  on  the  alternative: 
"  Either  the  ancient  treaties,  with  the  privileges  re 
sulting  from  priority  [as  regards  Jay's  treaty] ,  and 
a  stipulation  of  reciprocal  indemnities;  or  a  new 
treaty  assuring  equality  without  indemnity." 2  At 
last  the  American  ministers  were  forced  to  aban 
don  their  instructions  and  admit  the  validity  of  the 
old  treaties,  or  at  least  recognize  the  embarrassing 
provisions  of  those  treaties  as  live  issues.  Agree 
ment  was  still  impossible,  and  after  several  more 
weeks  of  discussion  the  temporary  expedient  was 
adopted  of  leaving  open  for  future  negotiation  the 

1  Doc.  102,  p.  616.  On  the  question  of  the  abrogation  of  treaties 
by  war,  see  Wharton,  vol.  ii,  p.  43. 

2  Doc.  102,  p.  618. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1800  249 

questions  as  to  indemnity  and  as  to  the  old  trea 
ties.1 

This  arrangement  formed  the  substance  of  the 
second  article  of  the  new  treaty.  The  third  and 
fourth  articles  required  the  mutual  restoration  of 
national  vessels  captured  during  the  hostilities  and 
of  all  captured  property  not  already  condemned. 
The  fifth  provided  for  the  settlement  of  debts  due 
from  France  to  American  citizens,  chiefly  for  sup 
plies  and  provisions  furnished  the  French  govern 
ment.2  No  loans  were  provided  for  and  no  guaran 
tee  of  French  possessions,  nor  were  any  obligations 
incurred  inconsistent  with  other  treaties.  Although 
the  envoys  found  it  impracticable  fully  to  carry  out 
their  instructions,  they  were  able  to  abolish  some 
of  the  abuses  practiced  by  the  French,  such  as  the 
demand  for  a  role  (T  equipage,  and  to  maintain  the 
doctrine  of  "  free  ships,  free  goods." 

The  treaty,  called  a  Convention  of  Peace,  Com 
merce,  and  Navigation,  is  very  long,  consisting  of 
twenty-seven  articles ;  it  was  concluded  September 
30,  1800.  When  it  was  laid  before  the  Senate, 
that  body  advised  its  ratification  provided  the  sec 
ond  article,  relating  to  indemnities  and  the  old 
treaties,  were  stricken  out  and  the  duration  of  the 
treaty  limited  to  eight  years.  The  Senate  took  this 
method  of  precluding  any  attempt  to  revive  the 

1  For.  Eel  vol.  ii,  pp.  307-344 ;  Doc.  102,  pp.  577-644;  Wharton, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  128-142. 

2  For  these  articles  see  Appendix  II. 


250        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

treaties  with  their  embarrassing  provisions,  at  the 
same  time  hoping  to  revive  the  claims  at  some 
favorable  opportunity  in  the  future.  Upon  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  at  Paris,  July  31,  1801, 
Bonaparte,  on  behalf  of  the  French  government, 
agreed  to  these  amendments  on  condition  "that 
by  this  retrenchment  the  two  States  renounce  the 
respective  pretensions  which  were  the  object  of 
said  article."  The  Senate  agreed  to  this,  being 
willing,  for  the  sake  of  getting  rid  of  the  treaties, 
to  sacrifice  prospective  indemnities  for  the  depre 
dations  committed  upon  American  commerce.  The 
convention  was  proclaimed  December  21,  1801.1 
"  So  died  the  treaties  of  1778,  with  all  the  obliga 
tions  which  they  imposed,  and  with  them  passed 
from  the  field  of  international  contention  the  claims 
of  American  citizens  for  French  spoliation."  2  This 
refers  only  to  claims  for  depredations  committed 
at  sea. 

The  third  article  of  the  treaty  called  for  no 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  France,  but  compelled  the 
United  States  to  surrender  the  Berceau  and  the 
schooner  Vengeance.  The  Insurgente,  which  must 
also  have  been  given  up  under  this  stipulation,  had 
been  lost  at  sea  before  the  treaty  was  signed.  The 
Berceau  was  refitted,  being  put  in  better  condition 
than  before  she  was  captured,  and  then  turned  over 
to  her  old  crew,  who  took  her  back  to  France. 

1  Doc.  102,  pp.  661-686. 

2  Ct.  Claims  Rep.  vol.  xxi,  p.  387. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1800  251 

The  amount  of  American  property  described  in  the 
fourth  article,  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  was  esti 
mated  at  about  forty  ships  and  cargoes,  while  the 
Americans  held  but  few  French  prizes  not  already 
condemned.1 

The  obligations  incurred  by  France  under  the 
fourth  and  fifth  articles  were  not  promptly  dis 
charged,  owing  partly  no  doubt  to  the  embarrassed 
condition  of  French  finances.  This  state  of  things 
called  forth  a  prolonged  correspondence  between 
the  United  States  minister,  Kobert  R.  Livingston, 
and  the  French  government,  and  gave  rise  to  an 
other  class  of  claims,  estimated  at  twenty  million 
francs  in  amount.  In  a  convention  concluded  April 
30,  1803,  the  United  States  assumed  these  claims 
as  part  of  the  price  paid  for  the  territory  of  Louis 
iana,  which  was  ceded  by  treaty  on  the  same  day.2 

The  convention  of  1800  did  not  furnish  a  satis 
factory  solution  of  the  questions  at  issue  between 
the  two  countries,  but  it  put  an  end  to  hostilities 
which,  if  they  had  continued,  would  doubtless  have 
made  impossible  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana.  It 
was  therefore  most  fortunate  for  the  United  States 
to  be  able  to  reestablish  amicable  relations  with 
France  at  this  time. 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  pp.  388-421 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  185 ;  Doc.  102, 
p.  644 ;  Jefferson,  vol.  viii,  p.  73. 

2  Doc.  102,  pp.  700-762;  Treaties  and  Conventions,  pp.  1233, 
1307,  1308. 


CHAPTER  X 

EEDUCTION   OF  THE  NAVY 

WHEN  it  became  known,  late  in  1800,  that  a  treaty 
with  France  had  been  concluded,  discussion  natu 
rally  arose  as  to  the  reduction  of  war  expenses  and 
the  placing  of  the  navy  on  a  peace  footing.  Janu 
ary  12,  1801,  Secretary  Stoddert  made  a  report  to 
the  naval  committee  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  in  which  he  said  that  "it  would  be  good 
economy  to  sell  all  the  public  vessels,  except  the 
following  frigates :  The  United  States,  President, 
Constitution,  Chesapeake,  Philadelphia,  New  York, 
Constellation,  Congress,  Essex,  Boston,  John  Ad 
ams,  Adams,  and  General  Greene.  The  rest  were 
either  built  of  materials  which  do  not  promise  long 
duration,  or  are  too  small  to  form  a  part  of  the 
national  defense.  In  future  wars  .  .  .  the  enter 
prising  spirit  of  our  citizens  will  quickly  furnish, 
for  private  emolument,  nearly  all  the  small  vessels 
necessary  to  be  employed ;  and  will  thus  add  to  the 
national  means  of  annoyance,  without  adding  to  the 
national  expense.  In  this  view,  it  may  be  sufficient 
for  the  United  States  to  attend  principally  to  a 
provision  for  ships  of  the  line  and  frigates." 1  He 
1  Nav.  Aff.  vol.  i,  p.  74. 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  NAVY  253 

further  recommended  that  only  six  of  the  frigates 
should  be  kept  in  active  service,  and  with  only  two 
thirds  of  their  crews  employed;  the  other  seven 
ships  to  be  laid  up  in  ordinary,  but  ready  to  be 
put  into  commission  at  short  notice.  He  advised 
the  accumulation  of  ship  timber,  to  be  stored  in 
docks  for  future  use,  and  expressed  the  opinion 
that  ships  should  not  be  built  until  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  well-seasoned  timber  was  on  hand. 
With  regard  to  the  disposal  of  the  vessels  below 
the  frigate  class,  it  seems  probable  that  half  a 
dozen  or  more  of  the  best  of  the  smaller  vessels 
might  advantageously  have  been  retained,  at  least 
a  few  years.  Trouble  with  the  Barbary  pirates  was 
just  approaching  an  acute  stage  at  this  time,  and 
such  vessels  would  have  been  very  useful  for  the 
Mediterranean  service. 

Stoddert's  views  on  naval  policy  are  further  in 
dicated  in  the  extracts  from  his  report  that  fol 
low  :  "  When  the  United  States  own  twelve  ships 
of  seventy-four  guns  and  double  the  number  of 
strong  frigates,  and  it  is  known  that  they  possess 
the  means  of  increasing  with  facility  their  naval 
strength,  confidence  may  be  indulged  that  we  may 
then  avoid  those  wars  in  which  we  have  no  inter 
est,  and  without  submitting  to  be  plundered."  "  All 
great  maritime  nations  retain  in  peace  the  commis 
sioned  officers  necessary  to  be  employed  in  war,  by 
allowing  them  a  portion  of  their  monthly  pay  on 
the  condition  of  their  holding  themselves  in  readi- 


254        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

ness  at  all  times  to  be  called  into  active  service. 
The  same  provision  is  not  so  generally  extended  to 
the  midshipmen ;  but  the  discrimination  is  nowhere 
just,  and  in  the  United  States  in  the  present  in 
stance  it  would  be  extremely  impolitic,  for  the  mid 
shipmen  are  among  the  most  promising  young  men 
of  our  country,  possess  all  the  materials  to  make 
officers  equal  to  any  in  the  world,  and  well  merit 
the  fostering  care  of  their  Government.  But  it 
would  be  injurious  to  themselves  and  to  their 
country  to  pay  them  for  remaining  in  idleness  at 
home.  No  midshipman  ought  to  receive  half  pay 
without  exhibiting  satisfactory  proof  that  at  least 
four  months  of  the  year  for  which  he  demanded  it 
had  been  employed  by  him  in  acquiring  a  better 
knowledge  of  his  profession,  if  not  in  foreign  ser 
vice,  at  least  in  the  merchant  ships  of  his  own 
country."  "  Timber  may  be  preserved  for  ages  in 
docks  and  at  little  expense,  and  the  knowledge  that 
we  possess  it  in  that  state  will  inspire  nearly  as 
much  respect  for  our  flag  as  if  the  ships  were  built 
and  on  the  ocean."  "In  a  pecuniary  point  of  view 
there  can  be  no  comparison  between  the  expense 
of  creating  a  sufficient  navy  and  the  loss  a  com 
merce  so  great  as  ours  will  too  certainly  sustain  for 
the  want  of  such  protection.  But  the  loss  of  pro 
perty  is  but  a  paltry  consideration  compared  with 
all  the  humiliating  and  destructive  consequences 
which  must  flow  from  that  debasement  of  mind 
which  a  system  of  eternal  submission  to  injury  and 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  NAVY  255 

injustice  cannot  fail  to  produce."  1  It  would  have 
been  well  if  the  secretary's  words  had  carried  the 
weight  they  deserved,  but  they  fell  on  deaf  ears. 
To  the  great  disadvantage  of  the  country  nothing 
was  done  towards  the  building  of  ships  of  the  line 
or  frigates,  beyond  the  accumulation  of  ship  tim 
ber  and  other  material,  until  after  war  with  Great 
Britain  had  demonstrated  the  folly  of  being  unpre 
pared. 

On  March  3,  1801,  Congress  passed  and  Presi 
dent  Adams  approved  an  act  providing  for  a  naval 
peace  establishment.  It  authorized  the  President  to 
sell  all  the  vessels  of  the  navy  except  the  thirteen 
frigates  recommended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
to  be  retained.  It  directed  that  seven  of  these  frig 
ates  should  be  laid  up  and  that  the  six  in  commis 
sion  should  be  manned  by  two  thirds  of  their  full 
complement.  It  authorized  the  President  to  dis 
charge  from  the  service  all  the  officers  except  nine 
captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants,  and  a  hundred  and 
fifty  midshipmen.  There  were  in  the  navy  at  the 
time  twenty-eight  captains,  seven  masters  command 
ant,  one  hundred  and  ten  lieutenants,  and  three 
hundred  and  fifty-four  midshipmen.  The  act  there 
fore  contemplated  abolishing  the  grade  of  master 
commandant  altogether,  as  well  as  reducing  the  num 
bers  in  the  other  grades  specified  by  about  three 
fifths.  Fortunately  the  law  was  not  mandatory,  as 
otherwise  it  would  also  have  abolished  all  the  sur- 

1  Nav.  Ajf.  vol.  i,  p,  75. 


256        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

geons,  pursers,  and  many  others  indispensable  to  the 
service.1 

A  study  of  the  list  in  the  light  of  subsequent  his 
tory  suggests  that  President  Jefferson,  upon  whom 
devolved  the  difficult  and  delicate  task  of  selecting 
the  officers  to  be  retained,  might  perhaps  have  made 
a  better  choice  in  some  cases,  but  on  the  whole 
he  probably  exercised  as  good  judgment  as  was  pos 
sible  with  the  data  at  his  command.  Commodore 
Charles  Morris,  who  was  a  midshipman  in  1801, 
writing  on  this  subject  about  1840,  says  :  "  So  great 
a  reduction  undoubtedly  deprived  the  service  of 
some  valuable  officers,  but  relieved  it  of  many  who 
were  never  worthy  of  belonging  to  it.  Political 
preferences  probably  had  some  influence  in  the  se 
lection  of  the  captains,  but  the  selection  generally 
was  admitted  to  be  quite  as  judiciously  made  as 
could  have  been  expected.  The  necessity  which  ex 
isted  at  the  commencement  of  the  Navy  of  draw 
ing  the  commanders  and  lieutenants  entirely  from 
the  merchant  service,  introduced  many  who  had 
few  or  none  of  the  higher  qualifications  proper  for 
their  new  situations.  For  the  commanding  officers, 
some  of  those  who  had  been  employed  in  the  Naval 
service  during  the  War  of  the  Revolution  were  still 
available  and  were  secured,  and  these  were  generally 
of  higher  character  than  the  other  commanders  or 
the  lieutenants.  Of  these  latter  a  very  large  pro- 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii,  p.  110 ;  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  180-182,331, 
375-388. 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  NAVY  257 

portion  were  not  only  men  of  no  refinement,  but 
vulgarly  profane  and  grossly  intemperate.  Very 
many  of  the  midshipmen  had  attained  an  age  at 
which  their  habits  of  thought  and  action  had  be 
come  too  firmly  established  to  be  easily  changed, 
and  gave  little  promise  of  any  future  usefulness."  1 

The  reduction  of  the  navy  at  this  time  has  often 
been  attributed  to  the  excessive  zeal  of  the  Kepubli- 
cans  for  economy  and  their  unfriendliness  towards 
this  branch  of  the  public  service.  But  it  should  be 
remembered  that  it  was  a  Federalist  measure.  Presi 
dent  Jefferson  merely  carried  out  the  behest  of  the 
preceding  administration,  and  he  did  so  in  a  man 
ner  that  cannot  be  called  hostile  to  the  navy.  In 
stead  of  discharging  all  but  nine  of  the  captains,  he 
retained  twelve ;  and  one  of  those  discharged,  Cap 
tain  Tingey,  was  restored  to  the  service  three  years 
later.  Nine  midshipmen  likewise,  in  addition  to 
the  number  allowed  by  the  reduction  act,  were 
kept  on  the  list.2 

The  thirteen  frigates  named  in  the  act  were 
retained,  and  the  President  also  determined  to 
keep  in  the  service  the  schooner  Enterprise,  whose 
gallant  career  appealed  to  the  sentiment  and  affec 
tion  of  the  people.  All  the  vessels  not  retained 
were  sold  in  1801,  except  five  of  the  revenue  cut 
ters,  which  were  returned  to  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment,  and  the  George  Washington,  which  was 

1  Morris,  pp.  16,  17. 

2  Nav.  Chron.  pp.  389-392;  see  Phillips,  pp.  96-104. 


258        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

employed  in  the  Mediterranean  for  a  while  and 
was  finally  disposed  of  in  1803.1 

A  squadron  consisting  of  the  President,  Phila 
delphia,  Essex,  and  Enterprise  was  soon  sent  to 
the  Mediterranean,  under  the  command  of  Commo 
dore  Dale.  Tripoli  had  just  declared  war  against 
the  United  States,  and  in  chastising  this  piratical 
state  there  were  employed  within  the  next  five 
years  all  the  vessels  retained  in  the  service  except 
the  United  States  and  the  General  Greene. 

Meanwhile  the  vessels  not  needed  for  service  in 
the  spring  of  1801  were  laid  up  in  different  ports. 
The  United  States,  Congress,  and  New  York  were 
ordered  to  Washington.  The  Congress  sailed  from 
Boston  and  "  was  delayed  by  head  winds,  so  that 
we  did  not  reach  Washington  till  late  in  May.  We 
passed  the  frigate  United  States  in  the  lower  part 
of  the  Potomac.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning 
of  a  beautifully  serene  day  we  passed  Mount  Ver- 
non.  Every  one  was  on  deck  to  look  upon  the 
dwelling  where  Washington  had  made  his  home. 
Mrs.  Washington  and  others  of  the  family  could 
be  distinguished  in  the  portico  which  fronts  the 
river.  When  opposite  to  the  house,  by  order  of 
Captain  Sever,  the  sails  were  lowered,  the  colors 
displayed  half-masted,  and  a  mourning  salute  of 
thirteen  guns  was  fired  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  Washington,  whose  life  had  so  recently 
been  closed  and  whose  tomb  was  in  our  view.  The 
1  Emmons,  pp.  6-8. 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  NAVY  259 

general  silence  on  board  the  ship  and  around  us, 
except  when  broken  by  the  cannon's  sound,  the 
echo  and  reecho  of  that  sound  from  the  near  and 
distant  hills,  as  it  died  away  in  the  distance,  the 
whole  ship's  company  uncovered  •  and  motionless, 
and  the  associations  connected  with  the  ceremony, 
seemed  to  make  a  deep  impression  upon  all,  as 
they  certainly  did  upon  me.  When  the  salute  was 
finished,  the  sails  were  again  set,  the  colors  hoisted, 
and  we  proceeded  up  the  river."  * 

1  Morris,  pp.  15,  16. 


CHAPTER  XI 

SPOLIATIONS   AFTER   1801 

AFTER  the  short  respite  afforded  by  the  peace  of 
Amiens  in  1802,  the  European  war  again  broke 
out  with  a  fury  which  increased  in  proportion  to 
the  growing  power  of  Napoleon ;  and  in  spite  of 
treaties  the  belligerents  renewed  their  aggressive 
measures  towards  neutrals.  Through  a  series  of 
English  orders  in .  council  and  French  decrees, 
American  commerce  again  suffered  spoliation. 

In  1802  Toussaint  L'Ouverture  was  overthrown 
by  an  expedition  sent  out  to  Haiti  by  Napoleon, 
and  was  taken  a  prisoner  to  France ;  but  the  blacks 
again  revolted  under  Dessalines.  The  following 
year  the  French  were  driven  out  and  withdrew  to 
the  eastern  part  of  the  island,  where  they  occupied 
the  city  of  San  Domingo  and  one  or  two  other 
ports.  The  supremacy  of  the  blacks  was  complete 
and  permanent.1  The  island  soon  attracted  neutral 
trade,  which  was  resented  by  the  French,  who  did 
not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  Haitians. 
American  armed  merchantmen  were  employed  in 
this  traffic,  whereupon  President  Jefferson  declared 
that  their  action  in  forcing  commerce  into  ports 
where  it  was  forbidden  "  cannot  be  permitted  in 

1  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  vol.  viii,  pp.  285-287. 


SPOLIATIONS  AFTER   1801  261 

a  well-ordered  society."  Several  of  them  were  cap 
tured  by  French  cruisers,  and  in  1805  General 
Ferrand,  the  French  commander  at  San  Domingo, 
issued  decrees  declaring  the  Haitians  to  be  pirates, 
and  that  all  persons  taken  on  board  any  vessel 
whatever  trading  with  them  should  suffer  death.1 

Besides  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  traffic  with 
the  Haitian  insurgents,  American  commerce  in  the 
West  Indies  suffered  severely  at  the  hands  of  pri 
vateers  during  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  At  this  time  the  Spanish  islands  were  avail 
able  to  French  vessels  as  bases  of  operations,  the 
two  nations  being  allies.  The  privateers  of  both 
France  and  Spain,  cruising  so  far  from  their  home 
governments,  were  under  very  little  restraint,  and 
there  was  a  tendency  to  excesses  not  authorized  by 
their  commissions.  They  extended  their  ravages 
as  far  as  the  southern  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United 
States,  which  led  the  President,  in  1805,  to  fit  out  a 
naval  force  for  protection.  The  numberless  secluded 
harbors  in  the  West  Indies  encouraged  this  sort  of 
warfare,  and  in  many  cases  privateering  degenerated 
into  piracy.  The  West  India  pirates  whose  exploits 
became  famous  and  whose  nests  were  finally  broken 
up  some  years  later,  chiefly  by  the  American  navy, 
doubtless  counted  among  their  number  some  of 
these  old  French  and  Spanish  privateers.2 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  v,  pp.  26,  34-42,  153-159,  321-330,  vol.  vii,  p. 
168.  For  the  case  of  a  suspected  filibuster,  see  Claims,  pp.  450, 
475,  601. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  v,  pp.  56,  71-94,  203-210,  243-250,  282-286, 


262        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

Privateers  and  freebooters,  sailing  under  the  flags 
of  France,  Spain,  and  England,  infested  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  and  the  neighboring  waters. 
The  difficulties  connected  with  establishing  a  gov 
ernment  and  maintaining  order  in  the  recently  ac 
quired  Louisiana  territory  were  complicated  by  the 
lawlessness  and  excesses  of  these  buccaneers  when 
on  shore  and  their  depredations  on  commerce  and 
general  piratical  behavior  when  afloat.  They  seized 
and  plundered  not  only  their  enemies'  vessels,  but 
American  shipping  as  well.  A  naval  station  with  a 
force  of  about  twenty  gunboats  and  four  hundred 
men  was  established  at  New  Orleans,  and  in  1808 
Master-commandant  David  Porter  was  put  in  com 
mand.  Porter  soon  undertook  the  suppression  of 
the  system  of  virtual  piracy  which  he  found  on 
his  arrival.  Descending  the  river  with  a  force  of 
gunboats,  he  captured  three  of  the  most  trouble 
some  French  privateers.  His  proceedings  were  legal 
under  acts  of  Congress  which  authorized  the  em 
ployment  of  national  forces  in  such  cases  and  the 
confiscation  of  foreign  vessels  interfering  with  com 
merce  within  the  waters  of  the  United  States.  Under 
great  difficulties  Porter  succeeded  in  procuring  the 
condemnation  of  his  prizes.  These  firm  measures 
brought  about  a  cessation  of  the  obnoxious  con 
ditions  which  had  prevailed  in  Louisiana  waters.1 

293-296 ;  Far.  Ed.  vol.  ii,  pp.  670, 770-772 ;  Jefferson,\o\.  i,  p.  307; 
Mahan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  211-214. 

1  Porter,  pp.  74-81 ;  Nav.  Chron.  p.  335. 


SPOLIATIONS  AFTER  1801  263 

The  most  famous  French  decrees  under  the  em 
pire  were  those  issued  by  Napoleon  at  Berlin,  No 
vember  21,  1806,  and  at  Milan,  December  17, 
1807.  These  decrees,  under  which  many  neutral 
vessels  were  seized,  were  justified  by  the  emperor 
on  the  ground  of  the  alleged  iniquity  of  British 
maritime  law,  and  were  "  resorted  to  only  in  just 
retaliation  of  the  barbarous  system  adopted  by 
England,  which  assimilates  its  legislation  to  that 
of  Algiers."  The  Berlin  decree  prohibited  all  com 
merce  with  the  British  Isles,  which  were  declared 
to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade.  By  the  Milan  decree 
any  vessel  submitting  to  search  by  an  English  ship 
was  declared  denationalized,  to  have  forfeited  the 
protection  of  its  government,  and  to  be  good  prize 
if  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French ;  and  the 
British  Isles  were  again  declared  to  be  blockaded. 
These  decrees  were  answered  on  the  part  of  England 
by  additional  orders  in  council,  and  thus  the  two 
powers  fought  each  other  with  paper  blockades  and 
other  restrictions  on  commerce  of  which  the  neutral 
was  the  victim.1 

Smarting  under  the  injuries  inflicted  by  these 
measures,  the  United  States  took  part  in  the  game 
of  retaliation  by  the  passage  of  the  embargo  act, 
December  22,  1807,  and  several  supplementary 
acts,  which  prohibited  all  foreign  commerce.2  These 
acts  were  bitterly  attacked  by  the  Federalists  under 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  v,  pp.  475^79,  vol.  vi,  pp.  58, 62, 73-75, 456-471, 
Tol.  vii,  pp.  7-24,  163.  See  Appendix  III. 

2  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii,  pp.  451,  453,  473,  499,  506. 


264        OUR  NAVAL   WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  lead  of  Josiah  Quincy  and,  as  they  seriously 
injured  the  shipping  interests  of  the  country,  they 
were  superseded,  March  1,  1809,  by  the  non-in 
tercourse  act,  by  which  commercial  relations  with 
France  and  England  alone  were  interdicted.1  It 
was  thought  that  these  measures  would  not  only 
keep  American  shipping  out  of  harm's  way,  but 
would  cause  sufficient  embarrassment  to  the  belli 
gerents  by  cutting  off  their  supplies  and  crippling 
their  trade  to  induce  them  to  revoke  their  obnox 
ious  regulations.  In  reply  to  these  acts  of  the  United 
States,  Napoleon  announced,  in  1808  and  1810, 
the  Bayonne  and  Rambouillet  decrees.  Under  the 
former  American  vessels  were  seized  because  they 
could  not  lawfully  sail  the  seas,  being  forbidden  by 
the  embargo  acts  of  their  own  country;  the  latter 
ordered  the  condemnation  of  all  American  vessels 
entering  French  ports  after  May  20,  1809.  These 
decrees  so  enlarged  the  scope  of  the  French  system 
that  practically  all  American  property  at  sea  or  in 
the  ports  of  continental  Europe  was  exposed  to 
capture  and  loss.  The  injury  inflicted  was  all  the 
worse  because  seizures  made  before  July  31, 1809, 
were  express  violations  of  the  convention  of  1800, 
which  expired  on  that  date;  and  moreover  many 
prizes  were  condemned  by  so-called  imperial  de 
cisions,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations  which  guar 
antees  a  fair  trial  of  every  prize.2 

1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii,  pp.  528,  547,  550. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  vi,  pp.  57,  478-485,  491-499,  vol.  vii,  pp.  5,  25, 


SPOLIATIONS  AFTER   1801  265 

France  and  England  each  declared  itself  ready 
to  revoke  its  edicts  if  the  other  would  do  the  same, 
but  neither  would  take  the  first  step.  May  1, 1810, 
the  non-intercourse  act  was  suspended,  some  of  its 
restrictions  being  retained  in  a  new  act  which  pro 
vided  that  if  either  Great  Britain  or  France  should 
revoke  its  edicts  before  the  following  March  these 
restrictions  should  cease  to  operate  against  that 
power ;  furthermore,  if  the  other  belligerent  did  not 
also  revoke  its  edicts  within  three  months,  non-in 
tercourse  as  provided  in  the  act  of  March  1, 1809, 
should  be  revived  as  to  that  nation.1  Then  followed 
the  announcement  by  Napoleon  of  the  revocation 
of  his  decrees.  On  the  very  same  day,  August  5, 
1810,  he  issued  the  Trianon  decree,  which  con 
demned  all  American  "  vessels  and  cargoes  seized 
in  France  or  in  the  dominions  of  her  allies  subse 
quent  to  May,  1809."  'this  decree  was  secret  and 
was  not  known  in  America  until  it  accidentally 
came  into  the  hands  of  Albert  Gallatin  several  years 
later.  Although  this,  as  well  as  subsequent  an 
nouncements  of  revocation  by  Napoleon,  proved  dis 
ingenuous  and  deceptive,  the  non-intercourse  act 
never  again  became  operative  against  France.  There 
was,  however,  a  decided  sentiment  of  hostility  to 
wards  that  nation,  and  in  June,  1812,  when  war  was 
declared  against  England,  "  propositions  were  made 

75-86,  164,  300,  351-353,  362-367,  399-404,  456-468,  vol.  viii,  p. 
330  ;  Mahan,  vol.  ii,  pp.  272-292,  351-357. 
1  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii,  pp.  605,  651. 


266        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

in  both  houses  of  Congress  to  comprise  France  in 
the  same  declaration,  and  in  the  Senate  the  vote 
was  fifteen  for,  to  seventeen  against  it ;  in  the  other 
House  the  majority  against  it  was  proportionably 
greater."1  It  is  likely  that  this  vote  would  have 
been  reversed  had  it  not  been  for  an  intimation  that 
France  was  disposed  to  pay  indemnities.2 

The  total  number  of  seizures  of  American  ves 
sels  by  the  French  after  1801,  under  the  imperial 
decrees,  was  reported  to  be  five  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight.  During  the  same  time  the  English  took  nine 
hundred  and  seventeen  American  vessels.3 

Besides  the  French  and  English  spoliations, 
American  commerce  suffered  severely  during  these 
years  at  the  hands  of  other  powers,  generally  allies 
of  France  and  acting  under  the  direction  or  in 
fluence  of  Napoleon.  These  powers  were  Spain, 
Denmark,  Naples,  and  Holland.  The  depredations 
imputed  to  Spain  included  vessels  seized  by  the 
Spanish  alone,  by  Spanish  and  French  acting  to 
gether,  and  by  the  French  in  Spanish  waters  and 
sent  into  French  ports  or  into  Spanish  ports,  to  be 
condemned  by  French  consuls.  There  were  many 
cases  of  earlier  date  than  the  period  under  consider 
ation.  October  1,  1799,  Consul  Young  at  Madrid 
reported  two  hundred  and  ten  seizures  of  American 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  ix,  p.  254. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  vii,  pp  368,  405,  441-447,  468-478,  vol.  viii,  pp. 
11-44, 135-150, 160, 186-205,324-328, 400-429,  vol.  ix,  pp.  81-85, 
214-217,  233-265 ;  GallatMs  Writings,  vol.  ii,  pp.  197-199,  279. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  vii,  pp.  331-342;  vol.  ix,  pp.  36-40. 


SPOLIATIONS  AFTER   1801  267 

vessels  or  cargoes  within  three  years.  In  1800  the 
king  of  Spain  declared  the  blockade  of  Gibraltar. 
Spoliations  continued,  and  in  1805  the  Spaniards 
became  especially  aggressive.  The  French  decrees 
of  Berlin  and  Milan  were  followed  by  Spanish  de 
crees  of  the  same  import,  and  under  these  many 
American  vessels  were  seized.1  During  1809  and 
1810  one  hundred  and  sixty  American  vessels  were 
captured  by  Danish  cruisers,  or  by  Norwegian  pri 
vateers  commissioned  by  the  king  of  Denmark, 
and  taken  into  the  ports  of  Denmark  and  Norway ; 
and  in  1810  several  vessels  captured  by  French 
privateers  were  tried  and  condemned  in  Danish 
ports.2  At  Naples  in  1809  forty-seven  American 
vessels  with  their  cargoes  were  seized  and  con 
verted  to  public  use.3  About  the  same  time  several 
American  vessels  in  Dutch  ports  were  sequestered 
and  their  cargoes  delivered  by  King  Louis  to  his 
brother,  the  Emperor  Napoleon.4 

The  downfall  of  the  French  Empire  and  the 
restoration  of  general  peace  in  Europe  at  last  put 
an  end  to  depredations  upon  American  commerce. 

1  St.  Pap.  vol.  iii,  p.  170,  vol.  iv,  pp.  426-448,  vol.  v,  pp.  62- 
70,  208,  487,  vol.  vi,  p.  76,  vol.  vii,  pp.  89,  169,  vol.  ix,  pp.  196, 
197 ;  For.  Bel.  vol.  ii,  pp.  669-678 ;  Doc.  102,  pp.  793-795. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  vii,  pp.  314-330,  342-348, 369,  vol.  viii,  pp.  205- 
233,  304-323,  vol.  ix,  pp.  90-119. 

8  Ibid.  vol.  ix,  p.  39,  vol.  xi,  p.  492. 
*  For.  Bel.  vol.  v,  pp.  600,  601. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE   SPOLIATION   CLAIMS 

THE  depredations  committed  upon  American  com 
merce  during  the  wars  of  the  French  Revolution  and 
Empire  gave  rise  to  claims  for  indemnity  against 
several  European  powers.  The  satisfaction  of  these 
demands  involved  long  delay  and  many  difficulties. 
Early  claims  against  England  were  paid  under 
a  provision  of  Jay's  treaty,  and  the  final  account 
with  her  was  settled  by  the  War  of  1812.  The 
claims  against  Spain  were  ultimately  adjusted  by 
the  treaty  of  1819,  in  connection  with  the  purchase 
of  Florida.  A  treaty  with  Denmark  in  1830  pro 
vided  for  the  payment  of  indemnity  by  that  nation ; 
the  claims  against  Denmark  were  partially  offset 
by  counter-claims  of  that  power  against  the  United 
States.1  Demands  upon  Naples  and  Holland  were 
persistently  urged  for  many  years,  and  in  each  case 
payment  was  refused.  Finally  the  appearance  of  a 
strong  United  States  squadron  in  the  Bay  of  Na 
ples  in  1832  induced  the  king  to  make  compensa 
tion.2  The  claims  against  Holland  "  were  dropped 
and  most  of  them  were  subsequently,  in  conformity 

1  Tr.  and  Conv.  p.  1286 ;  St.  Pap.  vol.  iv,  p.  490,  vol.  v,  pp.  42- 
48,  vol.  ix,  p.  106 ;  Boston  Monthly  Magazine,  January,  1826. 

8  St.  Pap.  vol.  xi,  pp.  487-519 ;  Richardson,  vol.  iii,  p.  149 ; 
No.  Amer.  Rev.  October,  1825 ;  Griffis's  Life  ofM.  C.  Perry,  ch.  xi. 


THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  269 

with  the  suggestions  of  the  Dutch  government, 
presented  for  payment  by  France  under  the  treaty 
of  1832,  and  were  allowed  and  paid."  l 

The  demands  upon  France  fall  into  two  classes, 
according  as  the  spoliations  took  place  before  or 
after  the  ratification  of  the  convention  of  Septem 
ber  30,  1800T  Depredations  committed  under  the 
decrees  of  the  French  Republic  were  disposed  of, 
as  far  as  international  negotiations  were  concerned, 
by  the  conventions  of  1800  and  1803.  Seizures  un-  r\ 
der  the  imperial  decrees  of  Napoleon  later  became 
the  subject  of  negotiation.  The  claims  founded  on 
this  latter  class  will  be  considered  first. 

Demands  of  indeml^^for  spoliations  under  the 
empire  were  urged  upon  Napoleon  at  an  early  period. 
In  the  fall  of  1812  Joel  Barlow,  the  American  min 
ister  to  France,  made  a  fruitless  journey  to  Wilna 
in  West  Russia  in  order  to  confer  with  the  French 
minister  of  foreign  relations,  having  been  encour 
aged  to  believe  that  satisfactory  terms  could  be 
made  at  that  time ;  but  Napoleon's  disastrous  Rus 
sian  campaign  had  just  come  to  an  end,  and  he  was 
in  full  retreat  from  Moscow.  Obviously  nothing 
could  be  done  then,  and  Barlow  died  on  the  return 
journey  to  Paris.2  Albert  Gallatin  went  to  France 

1  For.  Bel  vol.  v,  pp.  598-629 ;  Tr.  and  Cony.  p.  1311 ;  Whar- 
ton,  vol.  ii,  pp.  50-54;  House  Ex.  Doc.  117,  24th  Congress,  1st 
Session,  p.  87 ;  No.  Amer.  Rev.  October,  1825.     For  the  terms  of 
the  French  treaty  of  1832  (concluded  July  4,   1831),   see  next 
page. 

2  St.  Pap.  vol.  viii,  pp.  323-361,  vol.  ix,  pp.  213-219 ;  Todd's 
Life  of  Barlow,  ch.  ix. 


270        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

in  1816  and  began  a  long  and  tedious  negotiation, 
which  lasted  with  intermissions  nearly  fifteen  years* 
being  brought  to  a  conclusion  in  1831  by  William 
C.  Rives.  The  Bourbon  government  of  the  Resto 
ration  was  hostile  to  the  American  claims,  and  its 
ministers  evaded,  delayed,  and  postponed ;  but  with 
the  accession  of  Louis  Philippe  in  1830  the  atti 
tude  of  the  French  became  more  conciliatory.  Com 
promise  was  necessary,  but  finally,  July  4,  1831,  a 
treaty  was  concluded,  and  ratified  the  next  year,  by 
which  France  agreed  to  pay  twenty-five  million 
francs,  which  was  only  about  one  fifth  the  amount 
of  loss  from  the  depredations.  The  United  States 
agreed  to  pay  France  one  and  a  half  million  francs 
to  satisfy  certain  claims  of  the  French.  Even  after 
this  the  conduct  of  the  French  government  was 
marked  by  indifference  and  neglect,  and  the  Cham 
ber  of  Deputies  for  several  years  refused  to  appro 
priate  money  to  put  the  treaty  into  effect.  Amity 
between  the  two  nations  became  strained  to  the 
point  of  breaking  off  diplomatic  relations.  At  last, 
in  1836,  Great  Britain  having  offered  mediation, 
the  matter  was  arranged  and  the  French  govern 
ment  took  steps  to  discharge  the  obligation.  The 
commission  appointed  under  an  act  of  Congress  to 
execute  this  treaty  allowed  claims  against  Holland 
and  also  some  against  Spain  and  Naples.1 

1  Tr.  and  Cony.  pp.  1309-1312 ;  Richardson,  vol.  ii,  pp.  265-276, 
vol.  iii,  pp.  100-107, 129-132, 135-145, 152-160, 178-185, 188-214, 
215-222,  227 ;  Rep.  Sen.  Com.  voL  vi,  pp.  47-71 ;  Ho.  Ex.  Doc. 
117,  24th  Congress,  1st  Session,  pp.  86, 87 ;  Wharton,  vol.  ii,  p.  54 ; 


THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  271 

The  depredations  committed  by  the  French  be 
fore  1801  gave  rise  to  claims  which  may  be  further 
divided  into  two  classes.  First  are  those  which  were 
the  subject  of  the  second  article  of  the  convention 
of  1800,  and  which  were  surrendered  by  the  United 
States  when  the  convention  was  ratified  with  the 
condition  imposed  by  Bonaparte,  that  "the  two 
states  renounce  the  respective  pretensions  which 
were  the  object  of  said  article."  The  second  class 
of  claims  comprises  those  which  were  the  subject 
of  the  fourth  and  fifth  articles1  of  the  conven 
tion  of  1800,  and  were  settled  by  the  convention  of 
1803,  when  the  United  States  assumed  them  to  the 
extent  of  twenty  million  livres  as  part  of  the  price 
paid  for  Louisiana.  They  were  chiefly  founded 
on  debts  due  for  supplies  furnished,  for  losses 
on  account  of  the  embargo  of  1793  at  Bordeaux, 
and  for  property  captured  but  not  condemned. 
There  was  great  delay  in  carrying  out  the  pro 
visions  of  the  convention  of  1803,  which  called 
forth  an  acrimonious  correspondence  between  the 
United  States  minister,  Robert  R.  Livingston,  and 
the  American  commissioners  appointed  to  adjust  the 
claims  and  distribute  the  indemnity.  A  so-called 
conjectural  note  appended  to  the  treaty  gave  a  list 
of  losses  which  was  intended  to  aid  the  adjustment 

No.  Amer.  Rev.  October,  1826 ;  American  Quarterly  Review,  June, 
1835  ;  Parton's  Life  of  Jackson,  vol.  iii,  ch.  xl.  For  lists  of  claims 
against  France,  Naples,  Holland,  and  Denmark,  see  For.  Eel.  vol. 
vi,  pp.  384-553. 

1  See  Appendix  II. 


272        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

of  claims,  but  it  was  merely  an  inaccurate  memo 
randum,  and,  being  the  subject  of  much  discussion 
and  difference  of  opinion,  it  proved  more  of  a  hin 
drance  than  a  help.1 

There  now  remains  to  be  considered  only  the 
single  class  of  claims,  the  subject  of  the  second 
article  of  the  convention  of  1800,  which  have  given 
rise  to  a  vast  amount  of  discussion,  in  and  out  of 
Congress,  from  the  time  of  the  French  Revolution 
to  the  present  day.  These  are  what  people  commonly 
mean  when  they  speak  of  the  French  spoliation 
claims  or  the  old  French  claims.2 

For  the  sake  of  getting  rid  of  the  obligations 
imposed  by  the  treaties  of  1778  and  1788,  which 
had  caused  embarrassment  in  the  past  and  were 
likely  to  in  the  future,  the  United  States  willingly 
relieved  France  of  all  obligation  to  the  claimants ; 
but  the  American  merchants  and  mariners  who  had 
been  despoiled  derived  no  benefit  from  this  arrange 
ment.  They  were  debarred  from  the  opportunity  of 
prosecuting  their  claims  against  France,  and  their 
only  hope  of  relief  lay  in  the  sense  of  justice  of 
their  own  government,  which  had  bartered  the  claims 
for  a  substantial  equivalent. 

The  claimants  made  their  first  application  to 
Congress  for  relief  in  1802,  shortly  after  the  con 
vention  was  ratified.  The  committee  to  which  the 

1  Doc.  102,  pp.  779-832,  Tr.  and  Conv.  pp.  1307,  1308. 

2  For  a  review  of  the  subject,  see  Wharton,  vol.  ii,  pp.  714- 

728. 


THE   SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  273 

matter  was  referred  made  a  report  reciting  the 
history  of  the  spoliations,  but  no  action  was  taken. 
In  1807  another  committee  made  a  report  very 
favorable  to  the  claimants,  also  without  result.  In 
1818  a  Senate  committee,  and  in  1822  and  1824 
House  committees,  made  the  only  unfavorable  re 
ports,  except  a  very  few  minority  reports,  that  have 
ever  been  submitted.  Both  houses  then  called  for 
all  the  papers  relating  to  the  case,  and  this  resulted 
in  the  publication,  in  1826,  of  much  material  never 
before  printed.1  The  effect  of  the  greatly  increased 
understanding  of  all  the  circumstances,  due  to  this 
exposition  of  the  case,  was  shown  in  a  rapid  suc 
cession  of  committee  reports  during  the  next  few 
years.  By  1885  the  total  number  of  reports  in 
both  houses  of  Congress  had  reached  forty-eight, 
all  favorable  except  the  three  early  ones  already 
mentioned.  In  1835  a  bill  appropriating  five 
million  dollars  passed  the  Senate,  but  failed  in  the 
House  for  lack  of  time ;  subsequently  four  other 
bills  passed  the  Senate.  In  1846  a  bill  providing 
the  same  amount  passed  both  houses,  only  to  be 
vetoed  by  President  Polk.  In  1855  a  similar  bill 
was  vetoed  by  President  Pierce.  In  1885  an  act 
was  passed  referring  the  matter  to  the  Court  of 
Claims  for  its  opinion.  The  court  then  began  an 
examination  of  the  claims,  many  of  which  were 
thrown  out  by  reason  of  insufficient  or  defective 
evidence.  Those  which  could  be  proved  were 

1  Doc.  102. 


274        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

favorably  reported  upon.1  It  was  then  necessary 
for  Congress  to  appropriate  money,  if  it  saw  fit, 
to  pay  the  claims,  and  bills  for  this  purpose  have 
been  passed  from  time  to  time,  although  they  have 
sometimes  met  with  strong  opposition.  In  1896  a 
bill  appropriating  a  million  dollars  was  vetoed  by 
President  Cleveland.  The  end  has  not  yet  (1908) 
been  reached,  and  some  of  the  old  claims  are  still 
pending.3 

This  has  never  been,  strictly  speaking,  a  party 
question ,  although  most  of  the  opposition  to  recog 
nizing  the  claims  has  been  on  the  part  of  Democrats. 
Some  of  the  most  notable  names  among  the  advo 
cates  of  the  claimants  are  Marshall,  Madison,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Webster,  Clay,  Edward  Everett, 
Rufus  Choate,  and  Charles  Sumner.  On  the  other 
side,  besides  the  three  presidents  who  declared  their 
opinions  in  vetoes,  are  to  be  found  Calhoun,  Ben  ton, 
John  A.  Dix,  and  John  Sherman. 

Those  who  have  urged  the  justice  of  paying 
these  claims  have  done  so  on  the  ground  that  the 
old  treaties  imposed  obligations  on  the  United 
States  which  the  government  was  anxious  to  get 
rid  of ;  that  it  used  the  claims,  which  were  the 

1  The  opinions  of  the  court  were  delivered  by  Judge  John 
Davis ;  see  Ct.  Claims  Eep.  vol.  xxi,  pp.  343-407, 435-443,  vol.  xxii, 
pp.  28-57,  411-464. 

2  No.  Amer.  Rev.  January,  1826,  July,  1827 ;  Amer.  Quart.  Eev. 
September,  1831 ;  Richardson,  vol.  iv,  p.  466,  vol.  v,  p.  307,  vol.  ix, 
p.  683 ;  Rep.  Sen.  Com.  vol.  i,  pp.  274-378 ;  Tr.  and  Conv.  pp.  1308, 
1309. 


THE  SPOLIATION   CLAIMS  275 

property  of  its  citizens,  to  purchase  the  renuncia 
tion  by  France  of  these  treaties;  and  that  these 
citizens  are  entitled  to  reimbursement  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  provides 
that  no  "  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use 
without  just  compensation." 

The  arguments  against  the  claims  are  based 
chiefly  on  the  supposition  that  they  were  of  no 
value,  and  that  therefore  the  government  was  under 
no  obligation  to  the  claimants.  It  is  said  that  they 
were  worthless,  because  France  would  never  have 
paid  them ;  but,  it  is  replied,  France  paid  other  old 
claims,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  she 
would  have  settled  these.  The  French  admitted  their 
liability  for  injuries  inflicted  by  their  privateers 
upon  American  commerce.  In  1794  they  declared 
their  disposition  to  "  make  good  the  losses  which 
circumstances  inseparable  from  a  great  revolution 
may  have  caused  some  American  navigators,"  and 
during  the  negotiations  of  1800  they  never  denied 
their  liability.  These  facts,  in  the  opinion  of  Judge 
Davis,  dispose  of  the  contention  of  the  defendants 
in  the  Court  of  Claims  that  "  it  was  the  right  of 
France  to  retaliate  upon  the  United  States"  for 
failure  to  carry  out  the  guarantee  and  other  pro 
visions  of  the  old  treaties.1  Madison  when  Secretary 
of  State  wrote  to  Charles  Pinckney,  February  6, 
1804  :  "  The  claims,  again,  from  which  France  was 

1  Doc.  102,  pp.  77,  263  ;  Ct.  Claims  Bep.  vol.  xxii,  pp.  455,  456 ; 
for  case  of  defendants,  see  Ibid.  11-18,  20-27. 


276        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

released,  were  admitted  by  France,  and  the  release 
was  for  a  valuable  consideration  in  a  correspondent 
release  of  the  United  States  from  certain  claims 
on  them."  l 

It  is  said  that  the  claims  were  worthless  because 
no  equivalent  was  received  for  them,  the  treaties 
having  already  been  abrogated  by  Congress  in  1798. 
Yet  although  abrogated,  the  American  ministers 
were  forced  to  recognize  the  treaties  as  subjects  of 
negotiation  in  1800 ;  and  many  have  accepted  the 
French  opinion  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  ab 
rogate  them,  as  this  could  be  done  only  with  the 
consent  of  both  nations,  except  in  case  of  war.2 
This  leads  to  an  argument  much  relied  upon,  which 
was  that  the  hostilities  between  the  United  States 
and  France  constituted  a  true  war  which  wiped  out 
both  the  claims  and  the  treaties.  But  neither  party 
declared  war,  and  the  weight  of  authority  seems  to 
favor  the  view  that  technically  there  was  no  war,  or 
at  least  only  partial  or  imperfect  war.  Moreover,  it 
may  be  said,  it  is  not  necessary  to  prove  that  there 
was  no  war.  It  made  no  difference  whether  there 
was  or  not,  except  perhaps  as  to  claims  on  account 
of  captures  made  during  the  war.3  Regardless  of  the 
hostilities,  the  claims  and  the  treaties  were  subjects 

1  Doc.  102,  p.  795. 

2  In  the  opinion  of  the  court  of  claims  the  treaties  were  actually 
abrogated  in  1798 ;  Ct.  Claims  Bep.  vol.  xxii,  pp.  416-418,  425. 

3  As  to  whether  or  not  war  existed,  see  Wharton,  vol.  ii,  pp. 
718-721,  vol.  iii,  pp.  234-238  ;  Ct.  Claims  Rep-  vo1-  xxi>  PP-  367~ 
375,  vol.  xxii,  pp.  11-17,  32-35,  427-429. 


THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  277 

of  negotiation,  and  when  Bonaparte,  after  the  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities,  proposed  his  amendment  to  the 
conditional  ratification  of  the  United  States  Senate 
and  that  amendment  was  accepted,  it  proved  that 
both  parties  regarded  the  claims,  and  the  treaties 
too,  as  live  issues  which  had  not  been  settled  by  war. 
What  seems  to  be  the  strongest  argument  against 
the  claimants  is  furnished  by  the  Louisiana  treaty 
of  April  30,  1803,  and  the  convention  of  the 
same  date  relating  to  claims.  The  preamble  to  the 
treaty  expresses  the  desire  "  to  remove  all  source  of 
misunderstanding  relative  to  objects  of  discussion 
mentioned  in  the  second  and  fifth  articles  of  the 
convention  of  the  8th  Vendemiaire,  an  9  (30th  Sep 
tember,  1800)."  l  The  preamble  to  the  convention 
represents  the  two  nations  as  "  being  desirous,  in 
compliance  with  the  second  and  fifth  articles  of  the 
convention  of  the  eighth  Vendemiaire,2 ...  to  secure 
the  payment  of  the  sums  due  by  France  to  the  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States."  Livingston,  who  with 
Monroe  negotiated  for  the  United  States  in  1803 
and  signed  the  treaties,  in  a  letter  to  Talleyrand, 
February  24,  1804,  says :  "  The  preamble  of  the 
Convention  expressly  asserts  that  its  object  was  to 
secure  the  payment  of  the  sums  due  to  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  in  compliance  with  the  2d  and 

1  "...  prevenir  tout  sujet  de  me'sintelligence  r^lativement  aux 
objets  de  discussion  mentionne's  dans  les  articles  2  et  5  de  la  con 
vention,"  etc. 

2  " .  .  .  voulant  en  execution  des  articles  2  et  5  de  la  conven 
tion,"  etc. 


278        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

5th  articles  of  the  Convention  of  8th  Vendemiaire, 
an  9  "  ;  and  he  appears  to  indicate  in  this  and  other 
letters  his  opinion  that  the  claims  supposed  to  have 
been  surrendered  by  the  United  States  in  1800 
were  to  be  settled  under  the  provisions  of  the  later 
convention.1  This  apparent  revival  and  settlement 
of  claims  once  renounced  is  the  strongest  point  made 
by  President  Pierce  in  his  veto  message.2 

In  regard  to  this  matter,  however,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  fifth  article  of  the  convention  of  1803  in 
cludes  among  debts  to  be  settled  those  specified  in 
the  fourth  and  fifth  articles  of  the  convention  of 
1800,  while  it  expressly  excludes  "prizes  whose 
condemnation  has  been  or  shall  be  confirmed."  It 
was  just  this  class  of  cases  that  formed  the  subject 
of  the  second  article  of  the  earlier  convention. 
Livingston  himself,  writing  to  Talleyrand,  March 
25,  1802,  regarding  the  second  article,  speaks  of 
"  proof  that  the  indemnities  there  spoken  of  were 
intended  to  be  confined  to  indemnities  for  captures 
and  condemnations  only  where  the  cases  had  been 
finally  decided  upon." 3  The  second  and  fifth  articles 
were  mentioned  in  the  preambles  of  the  treaty  and 
convention  of  1803  doubtless  because  there  had 
been  discussion  as  to  the  precise  sort  of  indemni 
ties  to  which  each  article  applied,  and  it  was  neces 
sary  to  define  the  shades  of  difference  more  accu- 

*  Doc.  102,  pp.  789, 796, 829, 831. 

2  Richardson,  vol.  v,  pp.  315, 319-322 ;  Wharton,  vol.  ii,  pp.  716- 
718. 
8  Doc.  102,  pp.  712,  717. 


THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  279 

rately.  An  attempt  to  do  this  was  made  in  the 
fourth  and  fifth  articles  of  the  convention  of  1803, 
but  apparently  with  indifferent  success.  On  this 
point  Judge  Davis  says :  "  The  association  of  the 
second  and  fifth  articles  of  the  treaty  in  the  pre 
amble  of  the  treaty  of  1803  has  been  deemed  sig 
nificant  as  showing  an  intention  to  revive  and  settle 
the  second  article  claims,  .  .  .  whereas  the  allu 
sion  was  intended  to  reaffirm  the  exclusion  of  these 
claims.  .  .  .  What  more  natural,  then,  that,  in  re 
hearsing  the  objects  of  the  treaty  of  1803,  the  two 
articles  should  be  brought  together  in  the  preamble, 
the  fifth  article  as  embracing  the  debts  due  and  the 
second  article  as  covering  the  express  exception 
made  in  the  fifth  article,  which,  includes  '  debts  con 
tracted,'  and  excludes  « indemnities  claimed  on  ac 
count  of  captures  and  confiscations  *  ?  The  language 
of  the  preamble  is,  therefore,  in  compliance  with 
the  second  as  well  as  with  the  fifth  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  1800."  1  It  is  not  quite  easy  to  determine 
Livingston's  purpose  in  expressing  himself  as  he 
did  in  his  letter  to  Talleyrand  concerning  the  pre 
amble  of  the  convention,  unless  it  was  to  set  forth 
the  opinion  more  clearly  expressed  by  Judge  Davis. 
However,  very  little  notice  seems  to  have  been  taken 
of  this  point,  and  it  is  evident  that  nearly  all  per 
sons,  on  whichever  side  of  the  question,  have  taken 
it  for  granted  that  from  an  international  point  of 
view  the  claims  had  been  renounced  in  1801,  and 
1  Ct.  Claims  Rep.  vol.  xxi,  pp.  397,  398. 


280        OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE 

the  arguments  against  the  claimants  have  generally 
been  based  on  other  grounds. 

Assuming  it  to  be  granted  that  these  claims 
were  valid  against  France,  before  they  were  sur 
rendered,  the  question  arises  as  to  how  far,  legally 
as  well  as  morally,  the  United  States  must  be 
held  under  obligation  to  reimburse  the  individual 
claimants.  On  this  point  we  may  quote  the  opinion 
of  the  Court  of  Claims,  handed  down  by  Judge 
Davis,  December  6, 1886 :  "  So  far  as  we  have  yet 
seen,  not  one  of  the  spoliation  claims  could  have 
the  slightest  pretense  of  a  successful  result  were 
the  investigation  to  be  measured  by  the  standard 
set  for  us  in  other  causes.  .  .  .  While  the  claims 
of  individuals  now  before  us  are  not,  from  a 
judicial  point  of  view,  legal  rights,  —  that  is,  they 
do  not  constitute  causes  of  action,  —  they  may  be 
none  the  less  rights ;  that  is,  they  may  be  founded 
on  law  but  not  enforceable  in  a  court  of  law." 
And  the  court  concludes  "  that  these  claims  (as  a 
class)  were  valid  obligations  from  France  to  the 
United  States,  that  the  latter  surrendered  them 
to  France  for  a  valuable  consideration  benefiting 
the  nation,  and  that  this  use  of  the  claims  raised 
an  obligation  founded  upon  right,  and  upon  the 
Constitution  (which  forbids  the  taking  of  private 
property  for  public  use  without  compensation),  to 
compensate  the  individual  sufferers  for  the  losses 
sustained  by  them." l 

1  Ct.  Claims  Rep.  vol.  xxii,  pp.  29,  30,  31. 


THE  SPOLIATION  CLAIMS  281 

The  French  Revolution  and  the  wars  following  it 
materially  affected  the  course  of  American  history, 
producing  complications  which  threatened  our  well- 
being.  Nevertheless,  the  national  character  was 
strengthened  and  developed  by  difficulties  which 
called  forth  statesmanship  and  stimulated  patriot 
ism.  This  was  partial  compensation  for  the  humilia 
tion  which  the  weak  young  republic  had  to  endure 
at  the  hands  of  European  powers. 

The  establishment  of  a  naval  force  was  so  essen 
tial  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  and  at  the  same 
time  met  with  so  much  opposition,  that  it  is  not  to 
be  regretted  that  circumstances  so  shaped  them 
selves  at  this  early  period  as  to  make  it  necessary 
to  provide  such  a  force.  Some  of  the  officers  who 
later  became  famous  then  got  their  first  training, 
and  helped  win  consideration  for  the  country 
abroad,  while  at  home  national  self-respect  was 
preserved  and  increased.  Notable  contributions 
were  made  to  our  history  by  the  achievements  of 
the  Navy. 


APPENDIX 


SOURCES  OF  INFORMATION 

THIS  list  includes  most  of  the  authorities  consulted.  The 
abbreviations  used  in  the  footnotes  are  here  indicated. 
Other  works,  cited  only  once  or  twice,  are  also  referred 
to  in  footnotes. 

State  Papers  and  Publick  Documents  of  the  United  States. 

[Edited  by  T.    B.    Wait.]  Third  Edition.    Boston, 

1819.  [St.  Pap.] 

A  large  amount  of  space  in  the  first  nine  volumes  is 

devoted  to  relations  with  France  under  the  ^Republic 

and  Empire.  Vol.  x  comprises  confidential  documents. 

American  State  Papers.  Edited  by  Lowrie  and  Clarke. 

Class  I.  Foreign  Relations.  Class  vi.  Naval  Affairs. 

Class  ix.  Claims.  Washington,  1832. 

[For.  Eel.,  Nav.  Aff.,  Claims.] 
Class  I  contains  everything  in  Wait's  series,  with 
additional  material. 

Compilation  of  Reports  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Re 
lations,  U.  S.  Senate,  1789-1901.  Washington,  1901. 

[Rep.  Sen.  Com.] 

Treaties  and  Conventions  concluded  between  the  United 
States  and  Other  Powers.  Washington,  1889. 

[Tr.  and  Conv.] 

Contains  notes  of  J.  C.  B.  Davis  on  the  various  ne 
gotiations,  which  are  also  treated  in  Lyman's  Diplo 
macy  of  the  United  States  (Boston,  1828),  Trescot's 


284  APPENDIX 

Diplomatic  History,  1789-1801  (Boston,  1857),  and 
Moore's   American  Diplomacy   (New  York,  1905). 

Public  Statues  at  Large.  Edited  by  Richard  Peters.  Bos 
ton,  1845.  [Statutes  at  Large.] 

A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presi 
dents,  1789-1897.  By  James  D.  Richardson.  Pub 
lished  by  Authority  of  Congress,  1900.  [Richardson.] 

XIX  Congress,  I  Session  [102].  Message  from  the 
President,  etc.  In  compliance  with  a  resolution  of  the 
Senate,  May  20, 1826.  Washington,  1826.  [Doc.  102.] 
Contains  a  large  amount  of  material,  including  doc 
uments,  reports,  letters,  etc.,  on  the  French  spoliations 
before  1801. 

A  Digest  of  the  International  Law  of  the  United  States. 
Edited  by  Francis  Wharton.  Washington,  1886. 

[Wharton.] 

Cases  Decided  in  the  Court  of  Claims.  Vols.  xxi  and  xxii. 
Washington,  1886,  1887.  [Ct.  Claims  Rep.] 

Reports  of  Cases  Argued  and  Adjudged  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  By  William  Cranch.  New 
York,  1812.  [Cranch.] 

Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association, 
for  the  Year  1903.  Vol.  ii.  Correspondence  of  the 
French  Ministers  to  the  United  States,  1791-1797. 
Edited  by  F.  J.  Turner.  Washington,  1904. 

[Amer.  Hist.  Assoc.] 

Writings  of  George  Washington.  Collected  and  Edited 
by  Worthington  Chauncey  Ford.  New  York,  1889. 

[Washington.] 

The  Works  of  John  Adams.  By  Charles  Francis  Adams. 
Boston,  1853.  [Adams.] 

Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  Collected  and  Edited  by 
Paul  Leicester  Ford.  New  York,  1892.  [Jefferson.] 


APPENDIX  285 

Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America.  Edited  by 
Justin  Winsor.  Vol.  viii,  chap.  vi.  Wars  of  the  United 
States.  By  James  R.  Soley;  chap.  vii.  Diplomacy  of 
the  United  States.  By  James  B.  Angell.  Boston,  1888. 

[Narr.  and  Grit.  Hist.] 

Contains  an  extensive  bibliography,  with  critical  dis 
cussion  of  authorities.  For  a  bibliography  of  the  French 
spoliations,  see  Boston  Public  Library  Bulletin,  May, 
1885. 

The  American  Nation.  Edited  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart. 
Vol.  xi.  By  John  S.  Bassett.  Vol.  xii.  By  Edward 
Channing.  Vol.  xiii.  By  Kendrick  C.  Babcock.  Vol. 
xv.  By  William  McDonald.  New  York,  1906. 

Contains  many  valuable  chapters  written  from  the 
most  recent  point  of  view  and  with  exhaustive  biblio 
graphy.  Other  general  works  are  Henry  Adams's  His 
tory  of  the  United  States,  McMaster's  History  of  the 
People  of  the  United  States,  and  Schouler's  History 
of  the  United  States. 

The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  the  French  Revolution 
and  Empire,  1793-1812.  By  Captain  A.  T.  Mahan, 
U.  S.  N.  Boston,  1894.  [Mahan.] 

A  Contribution  to  the  Bibliography  of  the  History  of 
the  United  States  Navy.  Compiled  by  Charles  T. 
Harbeck.  Riverside  Press,  1906. 

This  list  is  indispensable  to  the  student  of  naval 
history. 

United  States  Naval  Chronicle.   By  Charles  W.  Golds- 
borough.  Washington,  1824.  [Nav.  Chron.] 
The  author,  who  was  forty-four  years  in  the  Navy 
Department,  had  easy  access  to  original  material,  and 
has  presented  much  valuable  and  reliable  information. 

Statistical  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States.  By 


286  APPENDIX 

Lieutenant  George  F.  Emmons,  U.  S.  N.  Washing 
ton,  1853.  [Emmons.] 

Gives  statistics  and  a  list  of  captures. 
Marine  Rules  and  Regulations.  Boston,  1799.  By  John 
Adams,  President  of  the  United  States.  [Nav.  Reg.] 
These  regulations  were  complied  while  the  navy  was 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  War  Department,  as  is 
shown  by  frequent  references  to  the  authority  of  the 
Secretary  of  War ;  they  occupy  44  pages  of  a  pamphlet 
which  contains  also  the  act  of  March  2, 1799,  for  the 
government  of  the  navy. 

History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
By  J.  Fenimore  Cooper.  London,  1839.       [Cooper.] 
History  of  the  United  States  Navy.  By  Edgar  Stanton 
Maclay.  New  York,  1894.  [Maclay.] 

The  author  has  rendered  an  important  service  to 
the  student  of  naval  history  by  bringing  to  light,  from 
the  naval  archives  at  Paris,  the  official  reports  of  the 
French  commanders. 
The  Naval  Temple,  Boston,  1816. 

Contains  some  of  Truxtun's  official  reports. 
Batailles  Navales  de  la  France.  Par  0.  Troude.  Paris, 

1867. 
Histoire  de  la  Marine  Franchise  sous  la  Premiere  Re'- 

publique.  Par  Edouard  Chevalier.  Paris,  1886. 
Histoire  de  la  Marine  Franchise  sous  le  Consulat  et 
1'Empire.  Par  Edouard  Chevalier.  Paris,  1886. 

The  accounts  in  French  naval  histories  of  the  en 
gagements  in  this  war  are  brief  and  inaccurate. 
The  Frigate  Constitution.  By  Ira  N.  Hollis.  Boston,  1900. 

[Hollis.] 

First   Cruise  of   the  United   States  Frigate  Essex,  etc. 
By  Capt.  George  Henry  Preble,  U.  S.  N.  Salem,  1870. 

[Essex.] 


APPENDIX  287 

Lives  of  Distinguished  American  Naval  Officers.  By  J. 
Fenimore  Cooper.  Auburn,  N.  Y.,  1846. 

[Amer.  Nav.  Off.] 

The  Lives  include  Dale,  Preble,  Bainbridge,  and 
Shaw. 

Commodore  John  Barry.  By  Martin  I.  J.  Griffin.  Phil 
adelphia,  1903.  [Barry.] 
Contains  many  official  letters  (not  elsewhere  pub 
lished)  from  the  collection  of  Captain  John  S.  Barnes, 
of  New  York,  and  other  sources. 

Life  of  Silas  Talbot.  By  Henry  T.  Tuckerman.  New 
York,  1850.  [Talbot.] 

Moses  Brown,  Captain  U.  S.  N.  By  Edgar  Stanton 
Maclay.  New  York,  1904.  [Brown.] 

Life  and  Services  of  Commodore  William  Bainbridge, 
U.  S.  N.  By  Thomas  Harris,  M.  D.,  Surgeon  U.  S.  N. 
Philadelphia,  1837.  [Bainbridge.] 

Life  of  Commodore  Oliver  Hazard  Perry.  By  Alexan 
der  Slidell  Mackenzie,  U.  S.  N.  New  York,  1843. 

[Perry.] 

Life  of  Stephen  Decatur.  By  Alexander  Slidell  Macken 
zie,  U.  S.  N.  Boston,  1846.  [Decatur.] 

Memoir  of  Commodore  David  Porter.  By  Admiral 
David  D.  Porter.  Albany,  1875.  [Porter.] 

Biographical  Sketch  and  Services  of  Commodore  Charles 
Stewart.  Philadelphia,  1838.  [Stewart.] 

Autobiography  of  Commodore  Charles  Morris.  Boston, 
1880.  [Morris.] 

An  Impartial  Examination  of  the  Case  of  Captain  Isaac 
Phillips.  Baltimore,  1825.  [Phillips.] 

The  Yankee  Tar.  An  Authentic  Narrative  of  the  Voy 
ages  and  Hardships  of  John  Hoxse,  etc.  Northamp 
ton,  1840.  [Hoxse.] 


288  APPENDIX 

A  sailor's  account  of  the  cruises  and  battles  of  the 
Constellation. 

Periodicals :  — 

North  American  Review,  October,  1825,  January,  Octo 
ber,  1826,  July,  1827  :  Articles  by  Edward  Everett 
on  French  (and  other)  spoliation  claims. 

American  Quarterly  Review,  September,  1831,  June, 
1835 :  French  spoliations.  See  also  Democratic  Review, 
February,  1844 ;  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  Febru 
ary,  1845,  October,  1846 ;  Atlantic  Monthly,  August, 
1870,  February,  1891 ;  Magazine  of  American  His 
tory,  July,  1884 ;  and  Boston  Monthly  Magazine, 
January,  1826:  Caleb  Gushing  on  claims  against 
Denmark. 

American  Historical  Review,  April,  1897,  April,  July, 
1898,  January,  April,  1905:  western  schemes  of 
France  and  other  nations. 

Proceedings  of  the  U.  S.  Naval  Institute,  September, 
1906  (No.  119) :  "  Early  Naval  Administration  under 
the  Constitution,"  by  Charles  Oscar  Paullin. 

The  Port  Folio,  January  and  March,  1809 :  Sketch  of 
Commodore  Truxtun,  with  letters  not  elsewhere  pub 
lished. 

Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
June,  1883:  Extracts  from  the  log  of  the  frigate 
Boston  (with  one  or  two  errors  of  transcription). 

Putnam's  Monthly,  May  and  June,  1853  :  Articles  by  J. 
F.  Cooper  on  the  frigate  Constitution. 

The  United  Service,  July,  1883:  "The  Quasi- War 
with  France,"  by  Lieut.  Nathan  Sargent,  U.  S.  N. ; 
November,  1889,  to  April,  1890 :  "  The  United  States 
Revenue  Cutter  Service,"  by  1st  Lieut.  Horatio  D. 
Smith,  U.  S.  R.  C.  S. 


APPENDIX  289 

Newspapers :  — 

Russell's  Gazette,  Commercial  and  Political  (Boston 
Commercial  Gazette)  ;  Columbian  Centinel  and  Mas 
sachusetts  Federalist  (Boston) ;  Massachusetts  Mer 
cury  (Boston.  Name  changed  in  1801  to  The  Mercury 
and  N.  E.  Palladium) ;  Independent  Chronicle  and 
Universal  Advertiser  (Boston)  ;  Thomas's  Massachu 
setts  Spy,  or  Worcester  Gazette ;  Salem  Gazette ;  Con 
necticut  Courant  (Hartford) ;  Connecticut  Journal 
(New  Haven);  Gazette  of  the  United  States  and 
Philadelphia  Daily  Advertiser ;  Federal  Gazette  and 
Baltimore  Daily  Advertiser. 

The  newspapers  printed  many  letters  and  reports 
not  to  be  found  elsewhere ;  also  shipping  news  and  gen 
eral  news  items,  the  latter  to  be  accepted  with  caution. 

MANUSCRIPT    SOURCES. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  Pickering  Papers. 

[Pickering.] 

Timothy  Pickering  was  Secretary  of  State  from 
1795  to  1800,  and  the  papers  contain  a  good  deal  of 
naval  as  well  as  political  material. 

The  original  log-book  of  the  frigate  Boston  is  in 
the  Library  of  the  Society. 

Adams  Papers.  Correspondence  of  President  John  Ad 
ams.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Esq.,  kindly  caused  an 
examination  to  be  made  of  this  collection,  which  how 
ever  contains  little  naval  material  relating  to  the  pe 
riod  concerned. 

Wadsworth  Papers,  containing  Truxtun's  address :  "  To 
the  Midshipmen  of  the  Navy,  and  particularly  those 
who  serve  with  me."  Extracts  made  with  the  permis 
sion  of  R.  K.  Longfellow,  Esq. 


290  APPENDIX 

Navy  Department.  The  correspondence  of  this  period  is 
contained  in  a  number  of  miscellaneous  volumes  and 
is  somewhat  scanty,  as  the  regular  series  of  letters 
from  captains  and  other  officers  do  not  begin  until 
later.  The  earlier  material  is  arranged  as  follows: 
1.  Correspondence  on  naval  affairs  under  the  War 
Department,  1790-1798,  in  one  volume ;  2.  Letters 

I  from  the  Navy  Department  to  the  President,  one  vol 
ume  ;  3.  Letters  from  the  Navy  Department  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  one  volume ;  4.  Letters  from  the 
Navy  Department  to  Congress,  one  volume ;  5.  Gen 
eral  letters  from  the  Navy  Department,  first  four 
volumes ;  6.  Letter  Book,  15  May,  1799,  to  1-8  July, 
1807,  letters  from  the  Navy  Department,  one  volume ; 
7.  Miscellaneous  Letters  to  the  Navy  Department, 
first  volume ;  8.  Letter  Book  of  Captain  Alexander 
Murray  :  letters  to  the  Navy  Department,  one  volume ; 
9.  A  few  log-books. 

II 

TREATIES 

Only  the  most  important  articles  and  those  giving 
rise  to  controversy  are  given.  The  full  text  may  be 
found  in  Treaties  and  Conventions  and  in  volume  viii  of 
Statutes  at  Large.  Treaties  with  France :  — 

1.  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce,  February  6, 1778. 
Ratified  by  Congress  May  4,  1778. 

Art.  xvn.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the  ships  of  war  of 
either  party,  and  privateers,  freely  to  carry  whitherso 
ever  they  please  the  ships  and  goods  taken  from  their 
enemies,  without  being  obliged  to  pay  any  duty  to  the 
officers  of  the  admiralty  or  any  other  judges ;  nor  shall 


APPENDIX  291 

such  prizes  be  arrested  or  seized  when  they  come  to  and 
enter  the  ports  of  either  party ;  nor  shall  the  searchers 
or  other  officers  of  those  places  search  the  same,  or  make 
examination  concerning  the  lawfulness  of  such  prizes, 
but  they  may  hoist  sail  at  any  time,  and  depart  and 
carry  their  prizes  to  the  places  expressed  in  their  com 
missions,  which  the  commanders  of  such  ships  of  war 
shall  be  obliged  to  show ;  on  the  contrary,  no  shelter  or 
refuge  shall  be  given  in  their  ports  to  such  as  shall  have 
made  prize  of  the  subjects,  people  or  property  of  either 
of  the  parties ;  but  if  such  shall  come  in,  being  forced  by 
stress  of  weather,  or  the  danger  of  the  sea,  all  proper 
means  shall  be  vigorously  used  that  they  go  out  and  re 
tire  from  thence  as  soon  as  possible. 

Art.  xxii.  It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  foreign  pri 
vateers,  not  belonging  to  subjects  of  the  Most  Christian 
King  nor  citizens  of  the  said  United  States,  who  have 
commissions  from  any  other  Prince  or  State  in  enmity 
with  either  nation,  to  fit  their  ships  in  the  ports  of  either 
the  one  or  the  other  of  the  aforesaid  parties,  to  sell  what 
they  have  taken,  or  in  any  other  manner  whatsoever  to 
exchange  their  ships,  merchandises  or  any  other  lading ; 
neither  shall  they  be  allowed  even  to  purchase  victuals, 
except  such  as  shall  be  necessary  for  their  going  to  the 
next  port  of  that  Prince  or  State  from  which  they  have 
commissions. 

Art.  xxni.  .  .  .  And  it  is  hereby  stipulated  that  free 
ships  shall  also  give  a  freedom  to  goods,  and  that  every 
thing  shall  be  deemed  to  be  free  and  exempt  which  shall 
be  found  on  board  the  ships  belonging  to  the  subjects  of 
either  of  the  confederates,  although  the  whole  lading 
or  any  part  thereof  should  appertain  to  the  enemies  of 
either,  contraband  goods  being  always  excepted.  It  is  also 


292  APPENDIX 

agreed  in  like  manner  that  the  same  liberty  be  extended 
to  persons  who  are  on  board  a  free  ship,  with  this  effect, 
that  although  they  be  enemies  to  both  or  either  party, 
they  are  not  to  be  taken  out  of  that  free  ship,  unless  they 
are  soldiers  and  in  actual  service  of  the  enemies. 

Art.  xxv.  To  the  end  that  all  manner  of  dissensions 
and  quarrels  may  be  avoided  and  prevented,  on  one  side 
and  the  other,  it  is  agreed  that  in  case  either  of  the  par 
ties  hereto  should  be  engaged  in  war,  the  ships  and 
vessels  belonging  to  the  subjects  or  people  of  the  other 
ally  must  be  furnished  with  sea-letters  or  passports,  ex 
pressing  the  name,  property  and  bulk  of  the  ship,  as  also 
the  name  and  place  of  habitation  of  the  master  or  com 
mander  of  the  said  ship,  that  it  may  appear  thereby  that 
the  ship  really  and  truly  belongs  to  the  subjects  of  one 
of  the  parties,  which  passport  shall  be  made  out  and 
granted  according  to  the  form  annexed  to  this  treaty; 
they  shall  likewise  be  recalled  every  year,  that  is,  if 
the  ship  happens  to  return  home  within  the  space  of  a 
year.  .  .  . 

Art.  xxvu.  If  the  ships  of  the  said  subjects,  people  or 
inhabitants  of  either  of  the  parties  shall  be  met  with, 
either  sailing  along  the  coasts  or  on  the  high  seas,  by 
any  ship  of  war  of  the  other,  or  by  any  privateers,  the 
said  ships  of  war  or  privateers,  for  the  avoiding  of  any 
disorder,  shall  remain  out  of  cannon-shot,  and  may  send 
their  boats  aboard  the  merchant  ship  which  they  shall 
so  meet  with,  and  may  enter  her  to  number  of  two  or 
three  men  only,  to  whom  the  master  or  commander  of 
such  ship  or  vessel  shall  exhibit  his  passport  concerning 
the  property  of  the  ship,  made  out  according  to  the  form 
inserted  in  this  present  treaty,  and  the  ship,  when  she 
shall  have  showed  such  passport,  shall  be  free  and  at 


APPENDIX  293 

liberty  to  pursue  her  voyage,  so  as  it  shall  not  be  lawful 
to  molest  or  search  her  in  any  manner,  or  to  give  her 
chase  or  force  her  to  quit  her  intended  course. 

Extract  from  the  form  of  passport,  annexed  to  the 
treaty :  He  [the  commander]  will  keep  and  cause  to  be 
kept  by  his  crew  on  board,  the  marine  ordinances  and 
regulations,  and  enter  in  the  proper  office  [remettra]  a 
list  signed  and  witnessed  containing  the  names  and  sur 
names,  the  places  of  birth  and  abode  of  the  crew  of  his 
ship  and  of  all  who  shall  embark  on  board  her. 

2.  Treaty  of  Alliance,  February  6, 1778.    Ratified  by 
Congress  May  4,  1778. 

Art.  xi.  The  two  parties  guarantee  mutually  from  the 
present  time  and  forever  against  all  other  powers,  to  wit : 
The  United  States  to  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  the 
present  possessions  of  the  Crown  of  France  in  America 
as  well  as  those  which  it  may  acquire  by  the  future 
treaty  of  peace :  And  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  guar 
antees  on  his  part  to  the  United  States  their  liberty, 
sovereignty  and  independence,  absolute  and  unlimited 
as  well  in  matters  of  government  as  commerce,  and  also 
their  possessions,  and  the  additions  or  conquests  that  their 
confederation  may  obtain  during  the  war,  from  any  of  the 
dominions  now,  or  heretofore  possessed  by  Great  Britain 
in  North  America.  .  .  . 

3.  Convention  defining  and  establishing  the  Functions 
and  Privileges  of  Consuls  and  Vice-Consuls.    No 
vember  14, 1788.  Ratifications  exchanged  January 
6,  1790. 

Art.  ix.  The  Consuls  and  Vice-Consuls  may  cause  to 
be  arrested  the  captains,  officers,  mariners,  sailors  and 
all  other  persons  being  part  of  the  crews  of  the  vessels 
of  their  respective  nations,  who  shall  have  deserted  from 


294  APPENDIX 

the  said  vessels,  in  order  to  send  them  back  and  trans 
port  them  out  of  the  country ;  for  which  purpose  the  said 
Consuls  and  Vice-Consuls  shall  address  themselves  to 
the  courts,  judges  and  officers  competent,  and  shall  de 
mand  tne  said  deserters  in  writing,  proving  by  an  exhi 
bition  of  the  registers  of  the  vessel  or  ship's  roll  that 
those  men  were  part  of  the  said  crews.  .  .  . 

Art.  xn.  All  differences  and  suits  between  the  subjects 
of  the  Most  Christian  King  in  the  United  States,  or  be 
tween  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  within  the  domin 
ions  of  the  Most  Christian  King,  and  particularly  all  dis 
putes  relative  to  the  wages  and  terms  of  engagement  of 
the  crews  of  the  respective  vessels,  and  all  differences,  of 
whatever  nature  they  be,  which  may  arise  between  the 
privates  of  the  said  crews,  or  between  any  of  them  and 
their  captains,  or  between  the  captains  of  different  ves 
sels  of  their  nation,  shall  be  determined  by  the  respec 
tive  Consuls  and  Vice-Consuls,  either  by  a  reference  to 
arbitrators,  or  by  a  summary  judgment,  and  without 
costs.  No  officer  of  the  country,  civil  or  military,  shall 
interfere  therein,  or  take  any  part  whatever  in  the  mat 
ter  ;  and  the  appeals  from  the  said  consular  sentences  shall 
be  carried  before  the  tribunals  of  France  or  of  the  United 
States,  to  whom  it  may  appertain  to  take  cognizance 
thereof. 

4.  Convention  of  Peace,  Commerce,  and  Navigation, 
September  30,  1800.  Ratifications  exchanged  July 
31,  1801. 

Art.  H.  The  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  of  the  two 
parties  not  being  able  to  agree  at  present  respecting  the 
treaty  of  alliance  of  6th  February,  1778,  the  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  of  the  same  date,  and  the  conven 
tion  of  14th  of  November,  1788,  nor  upon  the  indemnities 


APPENDIX  295 

mutually  due  or  claimed,  the  parties  will  negotiate  further 
on  these  subjects  at  a  convenient  time,  and  until  they 
may  have  agreed  upon  these  points  the  said  treaties  and 
convention  shall  have  no  operation,  and  the  relations  of 
the  two  countries  shall  be  regulated  as  follows :" 

Art.  m.  The  public  ships  which  have  been  taken  on 
one  part  and  the  other,  or  which  may  be  taken  before 
the  exchange  of  ratifications  shall  be  restored. 

Art.  IV.  Property  captured,  and  not  yet  definitively 
condemned,  or  which  may  be  captured  before  the  ex 
change  of  ratifications,  (contraband  goods  destined  to  an 
enemy's  port  excepted,)  shall  be  mutually  restored.  .  .  . 

Art.  v.  The  debts  contracted  by  one  of  the  two  nations 
with  individuals  of  the  other,  or  by  the  individuals  of 
of  one  with  the  individuals  of  the  other,  shall  be  paid,  or 
the  payment  may  be  prosecuted,  in  the  same  manner  as 
if  there  had  been  no  misunderstanding  between  the  two 
States.  But  this  clause  shall  not  extend  to  indemnities 
claimed  on  account  of  captures  or  confiscations. 

6.  Convention  for  Payment  of  Sums  due  by  France 
to  Citizens  of  the  United  States,  April  30,  1803. 
Ratifications  exchanged  October  21,  1803. 

Art  iv.  It  is  expressly  agreed  that  the  preceding  arti 
cles  shall  comprehend  no  debts  but  such  as  are  due  to 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  have  been  and  are  yet 
creditors  of  France,  for  supplies,  for  embargoes,  and 
prizes  made  at  sea,  in  which  the  appeal  has  been  pro 
perly  lodged  within  the  time  mentioned  in  the  said  con 
vention  8th  Vende*miaire,  ninth  year  (30th  September, 
1800). 

Art.  v.  The  preceding  articles  shall  apply  only,  1st, 
to  captures  of  which  the  council  of  prizes  shall  have  or 
dered  restitution,  it  being  well  understood  that  the  claim- 


296  APPENDIX 

ant  cannot  have  recourse  to  the  United  States,  otherwise 
than  he  might  have  had  to  the  Government  of  the  French 
Republic,  and  only  in  case  of  insufficiency  of  the  captors ; 
2d,  the  debts  mentioned  in  the  fifth  article  of  the  conven 
tion  contracted  before  the  8th  Venddmiaire,  an  9,  (30th 
September,  1800,)  the  payment  of  which  has  been  here 
tofore  claimed  of  the  actual  Government  of  France,  and 
for  which  the  creditors  have  a  right  to  the  protection  of 
the  United  States  :  the  said  fifth  article  does  not  compre 
hend  prizes  whose  condemnation  has  been  or  shall  be 
confirmed.  .  .  . 

Treaty  with  Great  Britain : 

6.  Treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce  and  Navigation,  No 
vember  19,  1794.  Ratification  exchanged  October 
28,  1795. 

Art.  xxrv.  It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  foreign  pri 
vateers  (not  being  subjects  or  citizens  of  either  of  the 
said  parties)  who  have  commissions  from  any  other 
Prince  or  State  in  enmity  with  either  nation  to  arm 
their  ships  in  the  ports  of  either  of  the  said  parties,  nor 
to  sell  what  they  have  taken,  nor  in  any  other  manner 
to  exchange  the  same ;  nor  shall  they  be  allowed  to  pur 
chase  more  provisions  than  shall  be  necessary  for  their 
going  to  the  nearest  port  of  that  Prince  or  state  from 
whom  they  obtained  their  commissions. 

Art.  xxv.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  the  ships  of  war  and 
privateers  belonging  to  the  said  parties  respectively  to 
carry  whithersoever  they  please  the  ships  and  goods 
taken  from  their  enemies,  without  being  obliged  to  pay 
any  fee  to  the  officers  of  the  admiralty,  or  to  any  judges 
whatever ;  nor  shall  the  said  prizes,  when  they  arrive  at 
and  enter  the  ports  of  the  said  parties,  be  detained  or 


APPENDIX  297 

seized,  neither  shall  the  searchers  or  other  officers  of 
those  places  visit  such  prizes  (except  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  the  carrying  of  any  part  of  the  cargo  thereof 
on  shore  in  any  manner  contrary  to  the  established  laws 
of  revenue,  navigation,  or  commerce,)  nor  shall  such 
officers  take  cognizance  of  the  validity  of  such  prizes ; 
but  they  shall  be  at  liberty  to  hoist  sail  and  depart  as 
speedily  as  may  be,  and  carry  their  said  prizes  to  the 
place  mentioned  in  their  commissions  or  patents,  which 
the  commanders  of  the  said  ships  of  war  or  privateers 
shall  be  obliged  to  show.  No  shelter  or  refuge  shall  be 
given  in  their  ports  to  such  as  have  made  a  prize  upon 
the  subjects  or  citizens  of  either  of  the  said  parties ;  bit 
if  forced  by  stress  of  weather,  or  the  dangers  of  the  sea, 
to  enter  therein,  particular  care  shall  be  taken  to  hasten 
their  departure,  and  to  cause  them  to  retire  as  soon  as 
possible.  Nothing  in  this  treaty  contained  shall,  how 
ever,  be  construed  or  operate  contrary  to  former  and  ex 
isting  public  treaties  with  other  sovereigns  or  States. 
But  the  two  parties  agree  that  while  they  continue  in 
amity  neither  of  them  will  in  future  make  any  treaty 
that  shall  be  inconsistent  with  this  or  the  preceding 
article.  .  .  . 

in 

DECREES 

The  following  extracts  include  the  essential  provisions 
of  the  more  important  decrees  issued  (A)  by  or  under 
the  authority  of  the  National  Convention  and  the  Exec 
utive  Directory  of  the  French  Republic  and  (B)  by  Na 
poleon.  The  full  text  may  be  seen  in  Wait's  State 
Papers,  volume  vii,  pp.  147-169. 


298  APPENDIX 

A.  Decrees  of  the  Republic. 

1.  May  9,  1793  : 

Art.  I.  Ships  of  war  and  privateers  may  seize  and 
carry  into  the  ports  of  the  Republick,  neutral  vessels 
which  are  wholly  or  in  part  loaded  with  provisions,  being 
neutral  property  bound  to  an  enemy's  port,  or  with 
merchandise  belonging  to  an  enemy. 

Art.  n.  Merchandise  belonging  to  an  enemy  is  de 
clared  a  lawful  prize,  seizable  for  the  profit  of  the  cap 
tor.  Provisions  being  neutral  property,  shall  be  paid  for 
at  the  price  they  would  have  sold  for  at  the  port  where 
they  were  bound. 

Art.  in.  In  all  cases  neutral  vessels  shall  be  released 
as  soon  as  the  unlading  of  the  provisions  or  the  seizure 
of  the  merchandise  shall  be  effected.  The  freight  shall 
be  settled  at  the  rate  paid  by  the  charterers.  A  proper 
compensation  shall  be  granted  for  the  detention  of  the 
vessels  by  the  tribunals,  who  are  ready  to  adjudge  the 
prizes. 

2.  July  2,  1796  (14  Messidor,  an  4) : 

All  neutral  or  allied  powers  shall  without  delay  be 
notified  that  the  flag  of  the  French  Republick  will  treat 
neutral  vessels,  as  to  confiscation,  search  or  detention 
[ visite  ou  prehension],  in  the  same  manner  as  they  shall 
suffer  the  English  to  treat  them. 

3.  March  2,  1797  (12  Ventose,  an  5)  : 

Art.  v.  Agreeably  to  the  21st  article  of  the  treaty  of 
London  of  the  19th  of  November,  1794,  every  individual 
known  to  be  American,  who  holds  a  commission  given 
by  the  enemies  of  France,  as  also  every  mariner  of  that 
nation  making  a  part  of  the  crew  of  private  or  publick 
ships  [navires  ou  vaisseaux]  of  the  enemy,  shall  be  from 
that  act  alone  declared  a  pirate  and  treated  as  such,  with- 


APPENDIX  299 

out  allowing  him  in  any  case  to  show  that  he  had  been 
forced  by  violence,  menaces  or  otherwise. 

Art.  vi.  In  conformity  to  the  law  of  the  14th  Febru 
ary,  1793,  the  regulations  of  the  21st  October,  1744,  and 
of  the  26th  July,  1778,  as  to  the  manner  of  proving  the 
right  of  property  in  neutral  ships  and  merchandise,  shall 
be  executed  according  to  their  form  and  tenor.  In  conse 
quence  every  American  vessel  shall  be  a  good  prize 
which  has  not  on  board  a  list  of  the  crew  [role  d'e'qui- 
page]  in  proper  form,  such  as  is  prescribed  by  the  model 
annexed  to  the  treaty  of  the  6th  February,  1778,  a  com 
pliance  with  which  is  ordered  by  the  25th  and  27th 
articles  of  the  same  treaty. 

4.  January  18,  1798  (29  Nivose,  an  6): 

Art.  I.  The  character  of  vessels  in  what  concerns  their 
quality  as  neutral  or  enemy  shall  be  decided  by  their 
cargo ;  in  consequence  every  vessel  found  at  sea,  laden 
in  whole  or  in  part  with  merchandise  coming  [prove- 
nants]  from  England  or  her  possessions,  shall  be  declared 
good  prize,  whoever  may  be  the  proprietor  of  these 
productions  or  merchandise. 

B.  Imperial  Decrees. 

5.  November  21,  1806  (Berlin  decree)  : 

Art.  i.  The  British  Islands  are  declared  in  a  state  of 
blockade. 

Art.  ii.  All  commerce  and  correspondence  with  the 
British  Islands  are  prohibited.  In  consequence,  letters 
or  packets  addressed  either  to  England,  to  an  English 
man,  or  in  the  English  language,  shall  not  pass  through 
the  post  office  and  shall  be  seized. 

Art.  in.  Every  subject  of  England,  of  whatever  rank 
and  condition  soever,  who  shall  be  found  in  the  coun- 


300  APPENDIX 

tries  occupied  by  our  troops  or  by  those  of  our  allies, 
shall  be  made  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Art.  iv.  All  magazines,  merchandise,  or  property 
whatsoever,  belonging  to  a  subject  of  England,  shall  be 
declared  lawful  prize. 

Art.  v.  The  trade  in  English  merchandise  is  forbid 
den  ;  all  merchandise  belonging  to  England  or  coming 
from  its  manufactories  and  colonies  is  declared  lawful 
prize. 

Art.  VI.  One  half  of  the  proceeds  of  the  confiscation 
of  the  merchandise  and  property,  declared  good  prize  by 
the  preceding  articles,  shall  be  applied  to  indemnify 
the  merchants  for  the  losses  which  they  have  suffered 
by  the  capture  of  merchant  vessels  by  English  cruisers. 

Art.  vii.  No  vessel  coming  directly  from  England  or 
from  the  English  colonies,  or  having  been  there  since  the 
publication  of  the  present  decree,  shall  be  received  into 
any  port. 

Art.  vin.  Every  vessel  contravening  the  above  clause 
by  means  of  a  false  declaration,  shall  be  seized  and  the 
vessel  and  cargo  confiscated  as  if  they  were  English 
property. 

6.  December  17,  1807  (Milan  decree)  : 

Art.  i.  Every  ship,  to  whatever  nation  it  may  belong, 
that  shall  have  submitted  to  be  searched  by  an  English 
ship  or  to  a  voyage  to  England  or  shall  have  paid  any 
tax  whatsoever  to  the  English  government,  is  thereby  and 
for  that  alone  declared  to  be  denationalized,  to  have  for 
feited  the  protection  of  its  king  and  to  have  become 
English  property. 

Art.  II.  Whether  the  ships  thus  denationalized  by  the 
arbitrary  measures  of  the  English  government  enter 
into  our  ports  or  those  of  our  allies,  or  whether  they  fall 


APPENDIX  301 

into  the  hands  of  our  ships  of  war  or  of  our  privateers, 
they  are  declared  to  be  good  and  lawful  prize. 

Art.  HI.  The  British  islands  are  declared  to  be  in  a 
state  of  blockade  both  by  land  and  sea.  Every  ship,  of 
whatever  nation  or  whatsoever  the  nature  of  its  cargo 
may  be,  that  sails  from  the  ports  of  England  or  those  of 
the  English  colonies  and  of  the  countries  occupied  by 
English  troops  and  proceeding  to  England  or  to  the 
English  colonies  or  to  countries  occupied  by  English 
troops,  is  good  and  lawful  prize,  as  contrary  to  the 
present  decree,  and  may  be  captured  by  our  ships  of 
war  or  our  privateers  and  adjudged  to  the  captor. 

IV 

VESSELS   IN   SERVICE,  1798-1801 

This  is  believed  to  be  a  complete  list  of  vessels  of  the 
regular  navy  down  to  1801,  arranged  in  groups  accord 
ing  to  the  year  in  which  their  active  service  began ;  and 
also  includes  eight  revenue  cutters  transferred  from  the 
Treasury  Department,  nine  galleys  built  for  harbor  de 
fense  under  the  act  of  May  4,  1798,  and  three  vessels 
temporarily  impressed  into  the  service  in  the  West  Indies. 
The  names  of  the  various  commanding  officers  are  also 
given.  Vessels  retained  in  the  navy  after  the  war  are  in 
dicated  by  italics. 

Regular  Navy : 

1798.   United  States,  44,  Barry.    / 

Constitution,  44,  Nicholson,  Talbot. 

Constellation,  36,  Truxtun,  Murray. 

Ganges,  24,  Dale,  Tingey,  Mullowny. 

Portsmouth,  24,  McNeill. 

George  Washington,  24,  Fletcher,  Bainbridge. 


302  APPENDIX 

Merrimack,  24,  Brown. 

Delaware,  20,  Decatur,  Baker,  Spotswood. 

Montezuma,  20,  Murray,  Mullowny. 

Baltimore,  20,  Phillips,  S.  Barren,  Cowper, 

Herald,  18,  Sever,  Russell. 

Norfolk,  18,  Williams,  Bainbridge,  Calvert. 

Richmond,  18,  S.  Barron,  Speake,  C.  Talbot,Law. 

Pinckney,  18,  Heyward. 

Retaliation,  14,  Bainbridge. 

1799.  Insurgente,  36,  Murray,  Fletcher. 
General  Greene,  28,  Perry. 
Adams,  28,  Morris,  Robinson. 
John  Adams ,  28,  Cross. 
Boston,  28,  Little. 
Connecticut,  24,  Tryon,  Derby. 
Maryland,  20,  Rodgers. 
Patapsco,  20,  Geddes. 
Warren,  20,  Newman,  J.  Barron. 
Augusta,  14,  McElroy. 
Enterprise,  12,  Shaw,  Sterrett. 
Experiment,  12,  Maley,  Stewart. 

1800.  President,  44,  Truxtun. 

Congress,  36,  Sever. 
Chesapeake,  36,  S.  Barron. 
Philadelphia,  36,  Decatur; 
New  York,  36,  Morris. 
Essex,  32,  Preble. 
Trumbull,  24,  Jewett. 
Revenue  Cutters : 

Pickering,  14,  Chapman,  Preble,  Hillar. 
Eagle,  14,  Campbell,  Bunbury. 
Scammel,  14,  Adams,  Fernald,  Jones. 
Governor  Jay,  14,  Leonard. 


APPENDIX  303 


Virginia,  14,  Bright. 

Diligence,  12,  J.  Brown. 

South  Carolina,  12,  Payne. 

General  Greene,  10,  Price. 
For  temporary  service : 

Conquest  of  Italy,  12,  Watson, 

Amphitrite,  5,  Porter. 

Sally,  Hull. 
Galleys : 

Charleston. 

South  Carolina. 

Beaufort. 

St.  Marys. 

Savannah. 

Protector. 

Governor  Williams. 

Governor  Davie. 

Mars. 


COMMANDING  OFFICERS,  1798-1801 

This  list  comprises  all  the  captains  appointed  in  the 
navy  before  1801 ;  also  the  masters  and  lieutenants  com 
mandant.  Some  of  the  revenue  officers  in  command 
of  the  cutters  were  not  transferred  to  the  regular  navy. 
A  few  officers  appointed  to  command  the  galleys  are 
not  included.  Officers  retained  in  the  navy  after  the 
war  are  indicated  by  italics. 

Captains : 

John  Barry,  June  4, 1794-Sept.  13,  1803. 
Samuel  Nicholson,  June  4,  1794-Dec.  29,  1811. 
Silas  Talbot,  June  4,  1794-Sept.  23,  1801. 


304  APPENDIX 

Richard  Dale,  June  4,  1794-Dec.  17,  1802. 
Thomas  Truxtun,  June  4,  1794-1802. 
James  Sever,  July  18,  1794-June  18,  1801. 
Stephen  Decatur,  May  11,  1798-Oct.  22, 1801. 
Christopher  Raymond  Perry,  June  7,  1798-April  3, 

1801. 

Richard  V.  Morris,  June  7,  1798-May  16,  1804. 
Alexander  Murray,  July  1,  1798-Oct.  6,  1821. 
Isaac  Phillips,  July  3,  1798-Jan.  10,  1799. 
Daniel  McNeill,  July  17,  1798-Oct.  27,  1802. 
Thomas  Williams,  July  17,  1798-May  28,  1799. 
Thomas  Tingey,  Sept.  3, 1798-1801.  Nov.  22, 1804- 

Feb.  23,  1829. 

Patrick  Fletcher,  Sept.  9,  1798-1800. 
Jonathan  Chapman,  Sept.  10,  1798-Jan.  25,  1799. 
George  Cross,  Sept.  10,  1798-1801. 
Samuel  Barren,  Sept.  13,  1798-Oct.  29,  1810. 
Moses  Brown,  Sept.  15,  1798-April  3,  1801. 
Moses  Tryon,  Sept.  16,  1798-1801. 
Richard  Derby,  Feb.  22,  1799-May  12,  1801. 
George  Little,  March  4,  1799-Oct.  22,  1801. 
John  Rodgers,  March  5,  1799-Aug.  1,  1838. 
Edward  Preble,  May  15,  1799-Aug.  25,  1807. 
John  Mullowny,  May  21,  1799-Sept.  26,  1801. 
James  Barron,  May  22,  1799- April  21,  1851. 
Thomas  Baker,  June  15,  1799-April  13,  1801. 
Henry  Geddes,  Sept.  24,  1799-April  11,  1801. 
Thomas  Robinson,  Sept.  24,  1799-Sept.  26,  1801. 
William  Bainbridge,  May  20, 1800-July  27,  1833. 
Hugh  G.  Campbell,  Oct.  16,  1800-Nov.  11,  1820. 
Masters  Commandant: 

Cyrus  Talbot,  May  21,  1799-Oct.  23,  1801. 
David  Jewett,  June  1,  1799-June  3,  1801. 


APPENDIX  305 

Timothy  Newman,  July  1,  1799-Aug.  15,  1800. 

William  Cowper,  July  13,  1799-April  3,  1801. 

Richard  Law,  Dec.  16,  1799-April  2,  1801. 

Charles  C.  Russell,  Jan.  15,  1800-Oct.  23,  1801. 

Benjamin  Hillar,  Feb.  8,  1800-1800. 

John  A.  Spotswood,  Feb.  15,  1800-June  4,  1801. 
Lieutenants  Commandant : 

Charles  Stewart,  March  9,  1798. 

Isaac  Hull,  March  9,  1798. 

Archibald  McElroy,  March  11,  1798. 

Andrew  Sterrett,  March  25,  1798. 

Josias  M.  Speake,  July  3,  1798. 

John  Shaw,  Aug.  3,  1798. 

M.  S.  Bunbury,  Aug.  4,  1798. 

Thomas  Calvert,  Sept.  4,  1798. 

Samuel  Heyward,  Oct.  31,  1798. 

Mark  Fernald,  June  10,  1799. 

John  H.  Jones,  June  12,  1799. 

James  P.  Watson,  June  29,  1799. 

George  Price,  July  19,  1799. 

William  Maley,  Aug.  1,  1799. 

David  Porter,  Oct.  8,  1799. 
Revenue  Officers  (not  transferred  to  the  navy)  : 

Francis  Bright. 

John  Brown. 

John  W.  Leonard. 

John  Adams. 

James  Payne. 


306  APPENDIX 

VI 

THE  NAUTICAL  DAY 

The  confusion  of  the  civil  and  the  nautical  day,1  result 
ing  in  the  insertion  of  twenty -four  imaginary  hours,  seems 
first  to  occur  in  the  "  Naval  History  "  of  Thomas  Clark 
(1813)  ;  he  was  followed  by  Cooper  and  others.  The 
error  does  not  appear  in  earlier  and  contemporary  ac 
counts  (see  letter  in  the  text,  p.  166 ;  also  "  Port  Folio," 
January,  1809,  p.  35).  Investigation  having  called  atten 
tion  to  the  method  of  reckoning  time  used  in  the  early 
days  of  the  navy,  a  request  for  more  precise  information 
produced  the  following  letter  from  Robert  W.  Willson, 
Professor  of  Astronomy  in  Harvard  University :  — 

CAMBRIDGE,  January  3,  1909. 

DEAR  DR.  ALLEN,  —  I  send  you  what  I  have  been 
able,  in  a  limited  time,  to  gather  in  regard  to  the  "  Nau 
tical  Day." 

The  reliance  of  the  English  and  American  seaman  of 
the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  Moore's 
"  Practical  Navigator "  of  which  the  13th  edition  was 
published  at  London  in  1799.  In  this  there  is  no  trace 
of  the  usage  in  question. 

An  American  edition  of  Moore  edited  by  Dr.  Bow- 
ditch  was  published  in  1799.  In  this  I  find  on  p.  223  the 
following:  "Although  the  time  used  in  the  Nautical 
Almanac  and  sea  account  differ  one  day  from  each 
other.  ..." 

A  second  edition  (1800)  has  the  same  phrase,  p.  201. 

Dr.  Bowditch  published  his  "Practical  Navigator" 
as  an  improvement  on  Moore's,  and  in  the  first  edition, 

1  See  above,  p.  166. 


APPENDIX  307 

Newburyport,  1802,  occurs  this  sentence :  "...  a  civil 
day  is  reckoned  from  midnight  to  midnight,  and  is  di 
vided  into  24  hours ;  the  first  12  hours  are  marked  A.  M., 
the  latter  12  hours  P.  M.,  being  reckoned  from  midnight 
in  numerical  succession  from  1  to  12,  then  beginning 
again  at  1  and  ending  at  12.  Astronomers  begin  their 
computation  at  the  noon  of  the  civil  day,  and  count  the 
hours  in  numerical  succession,  from  1  to  24,  so  that  the 
morning  hours  are  reckoned  from  12  to  24.  Navigators 
begin  their  computation  at  noon,  12  hours  before  the 
commencement  of  the  civil  day  (and  24  hours  before  the 
commencement  of  the  astronomical  day)  ;  marking  their 
hours  from  1  to  12  A.  M.  and  P.  M.  as  in  the  civil  com- 
putation." 

The  same  passage  occurs  in  the  subsequent  editions 
till  1880.  The  copyright  having  become  the  property  of 
the  government  in  1866,  a  complete  revision  was  made 
under  the  direction  of  the  Bureau  of  Navigation  in  1881, 
in  which  the  nautical  day  is  ignored.  The  doctrine  was 
taught  at  Comer's  Commercial  College  in  Boston  cer 
tainly  as  late  as  1858,  though  Coffin's  text-book  of  about 
that  date  says  "  now  rarely  used." 

Bowditch's  Navigator  had  an  immediate  success  and 
came  into  competition  with  Moore's  book  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic.  I  have  in  my  library  a  copy  of  "  The 
improved  Practical  Navigator  ...  in  a  complete  Epi 
tome  of  Navigation  .  .  .  originally  written  and  calcu 
lated  by  Nathaniel  Bowditch,  revised,  re-calculated,  and 
newly  arranged,  by  Thomas  Kirby  .  .  .  second  edition, 
London,  1806." 

This  contains  on  p.  193  the  following :  "  In  addition 
to  these  modes  some  have  thought  it  proper  to  notice  a 
third  which  they  have  termed  the  nautical  or  sea  day ; 


308  APPENDIX 

but  this  is,  in  fact,  not  a  third  mode  of  marking  or  ex 
pressing  time ;  it  is  only  an  application  of  the  civil  day 
to  nautical  occurrences ;  but  as  a  ship's  journal,  or  daily 
account,  is  made  up  on  each  civil  day  at  noon,  it  has 
been  said  that  the  nautical  day  ends  at  noon.  This,  how 
ever,  is  not  so;  for,  though  the  day's  occurrences  on 
board  a  ship,  or  its  journal,  are  made  up  or  concluded 
every  day  at  noon,  yet  the  dates  of  these  occurrences  are 
all  expressed  in  the  civil  time,  as  happening  either  at  1 
A.  M.  or  2  P.  M.  &c.  of  the  civil  day." 

From  all  this,  and  especially  from  the  phrase  "  some 
have  thought  it  proper  "  in  the  English  edition  of  Bow- 
ditch,  I  conclude  that  the  use  of  the  nautical  day  was 
a  purely  American  practice  whose  history  it  would  be 
interesting  to  trace.  Your  episode  furnishes  a  striking 
instance  of  the  confusion  likely  to  arise  between  the  two 
modes  of  reckoning  time,  and  perhaps  helps  to  explain 
why  the  custom  was  allowed  to  lapse. 
Very  truly  yours, 

ROBERT  W.  WILLSON. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  president,  appoints 
envoys  to  France,  23;  his  speech 
offends  the  Directory,  23;  his 
election  disliked  in  France,  25, 
26,  32;  messages  of,  38,  55,  245; 
revokes  exequaturs  of  French 
consuls,  39;  nominates  Wash 
ington  to  command  the  army, 
39;  appoints  officers,  50,  51 ;  and 
secretary  of  the  navy,  54;  an- 
thorized  to  increase  the  navy, 

—  55,  56;  and  to  commission  priva 
teers,  58,  59;  author  of  navy  reg 
ulations,  60;  appoints  generals, 
60;  instructions  of,  63,  64,  66, 

79,  106,  117,  132,  137,  156;  his 
correspondence,    67,    104,    107, 
108, 122, 130;  dismisses  Phillips, 

80,  81;  addresses  of  Congress  to, 
86;  relations  with  Guadeloupe, 
87,  88;  called  upon  to  retaliate, 
88;  his  policy  as  to  prisoners,  89, 
129;  relations  with  San  Domin 
go,  113,  114;  opens  trade  with 
San  Domingo,  114,  115;  retains 
Truxtun,  121;  promotes  Talbot, 
122;    announces    the    death    of 
Washington,  137;  his  opinion  of 
Maley,  147;  his  speech  to  Con 
gress,  223;  appoints  envoys  to 
negotiate  with  France,  245,  246; 
approves  a  peace  establishment, 
255. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  274. 

Adams,  U.  S.  frigate,  56;  on  the 
Gaudeloupe  station,  127,  133, 
177,  193,  218;  takes  prizes,  128, 
177;  returns  to  New  York,  178; 
on  the  San  Domingo  station, 
216;  retained  in  the  service,  252, 
255,  257. 

Adet,  Pierre  Auguste,  French  min 
ister  to  the  United  States,  16, 18. 

Africa,  British  frigate,  21. 

Aigle,  French  privateer,  201. 

Algiers,  41,42,  56,  221. 

Alliance,  U.  S.  frigate,  41,  49. 

Alliance  with  France,  1,  2,  247. 


Amory,  William,  lieutenant  of 
marines,  183. 

Amour  de  la  Patrie,  French  priva 
teer,  90. 

Amour  de  la  Patrie,  French  priva 
teer,  204. 

Amphitrite,  prize  schooner,  216. 

Antigua,  76,  128,  129,  149. 

Archer,  John,  lieutenant,  101. 

Armament  of  American  ships,  57, 
58,  99,  171,  214. 

Army,  39,  60. 

Atlantic,  American  armed  vessel, 
236,  237. 

Augusta,  U.  S.  brig,  133,  179,  187, 
188,  199,  216. 

Aux  Cayes,  179,  188. 

Bainbridge,  William,  lieutenant,  in 
command  of  the  Retaliation,  72; 
surrenders  to  the  French,  73,  74; 
saves  American  ships,  74;  at 
Gaudeloupe,  75,  91;  returns 
home,  75,  87;  master  command 
ant,  in  command  of  the  Norfolk, 
117;  reports  being  chased  by  a 
French  frigate,  118,  119;  on  the 
San  Domingo  and  Havana  sta 
tions,  120;  returns  to  New  York 
with  the  Norfolk,  190;  captain, 
in  command  of  the  George  Wash 
ington,  221. 

Baker,  Thomas,  captain,  149,  173. 

Balance,  French  privateer,  235. 

Baltimore,  U.  S.  ship,  cruise  of,  65, 
68;  on  convoy  duty,  71,  77,  79; 
off  Havana,  76;  held  up  by  a 
British  squadron,  77-80;  in 
Truxtun 's  squadron,  83;  on  the 
Gaudeloupe  station,  111,  128, 
133, 193;  Barren  in  command  of, 
121 ;  takes  prizes,  130,  193. 

Barbadoes,  82,  127,  215. 

Barlow,  Joel,  37,  269. 

Barney,  Joshua,  49. 

Barras,  Paul  Jean  Francois  Nico 
las,  president  of  the  French 
Directory,  22,  23. 


312 


INDEX 


Barreaut,  captain,  in  command  of 
the  Insurgents,  74,  94;  surren 
ders  to  Truxtun,  94,  98;  his  re 
port,  95-98;  his  orders,  99,  100. 

Barron,  James,  lieutenant,  69. 

Barren,  Samuel,  captain,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Baltimore,  83,  121; 
of  the  Constellation,  121;  trans 
ferred  to  the  Chesapeake,  121; 
cruising,  217. 

Barry,  John,  captain,  48;  senior 
officer  of  the  navy,  49,  89;  in 
command  of  the  United  States, 
63,  66;  cruising,  66,  67,  69;  sails 
for  the  West  Indies,  67;  returns, 
68,  69;  commodore,  in  command 
of  a  squadron,  69,  72,  81,  86;  his 
squadron,  81 ;  his  station  and  or 
ders,  82;  attempts  to  exchange 
prisoners,  90,  91 ;  sends  a  convoy 
home,  92;  mentioned,  107,  111, 
124;  returns  to  Philadelphia, 
108;  recruiting,  108,  109;  re 
ceives  cruising  orders,  109,  110, 
113;  sails  for  France  with  en 
voys,  110;  in  command  of  the 
Gaudeloupe  station,  220;  returns 
home,  221. 

Basse  Terre,  38,  75,  91, 163,  200. 

Bayonne  decree,  264. 

Bellamy,  27. 

Benton,  Thomas  Hart,  274. 

Berceau,  French  corvette,  177;  her 
action  with  the  Boston,  210- 
214;  surrenders,  211,  212,  214; 
her  force,  211,  212;  her  losses, 
211,  212,  214;  taken  to  Boston, 
215;  is  given  up,  216,  250. 

Berlin  decree,  263,  267. 

Blake,  Joshua,  midshipman,  147. 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  247. 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  first  consul 
of  France,  receives  American 
envoys,  247;  ratifies  the  treaty, 
250,  271,  277.  See  Napoleon. 

Bonaparte,  French  privateer,  112. 

Bordeaux,  embargo  at,  31,  36,  271. 

Boston,  U.  S.  frigate,  built,  56, 116; 
launched,  116;  on  the  San  Do 
mingo  station,  116,  133,  178, 
179,  187;  captures  the  Flying 
Fish,  116;  attacked  by  pica 
roons,  178;  returns  to  Boston, 
179;  cruising,  210;  her  action 
with  the  Berceau,  210-214;  her 
losses,  211,  212;  her  force,  214, 


215;    returns   to   Boston,   215; 

retained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 

257. 
Bosworth,    Nathaniel,  lieutenant, 

152. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel,  239,  240. 
Brown,   Moses,   captain,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Merrimack,  81,  92; 

on  convoy  duty,  92,  207;  takes 

prizes,  112. 

Cabot,  George,  54. 

Calhoun,  John  Caldwell,  274. 

Calliope,  American  brig,  37. 

Calvert,  Thomas,  lieutenant,  190. 

Cape  Francois,  French  commis 
sioners  at,  35;  privateer  from, 
65;  opened  to  American  trade, 
114;  cruising  off,  116,  120,  190; 
naval  rendezvous  at,  120,  124, 
148, 180, 188, 191, 199,  208,  216; 
news  of  peace  brought  to,  220. 

Carmick,  Daniel,  captain  of  ma 
rines,  183,  184. 

Carronades,  57. 

Carthagena,  190,  192. 

Cassius,  French  privateer,  18. 

Cayenne,  75,  82, 123, 124, 127, 194, 
195,  196,  211. 

Chapman,  Jonathan,  captain,  66. 

Charming  Betsey,  American 
armed  schooner,  226,  227. 

Chesapeake,  American  armed  ves 
sel,  233. 

Chesapeake,  U.  S.  frigate,  built, 
56;  affair  of  the,  77;  goes  into 
commission,  121;  cruising,  217; 
retained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257. 

China,  American  armed  ship,  159, 
225. 

Choate,  Rufus,  274. 

Cincinnatus,  American  ship,  38. 

Citoyenne,  French  privateer,  201. 

Claghorne,  George,  naval  con 
structor,  48. 

Claims.    See  Spoliation  claims. 

Clay,  Henry,  274. 

Clement,  Louis  Marie,  lieutenant; 
on  the  Berceau,  212;  report  of, 
213,  214. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  president,  274. 

Clinton,  George,  15. 

Columbus,  French  armed  ship, 
228. 

Commerce,  American  ship,  37. 


INDEX 


313 


Commerce,  protection  of,  83-85, 
133,  222,  223,  224,  254,  264.  See 
Spoliations. 

Congress,  approves  neutrality,  4; 
Genet  desires  reference  of  dis 
putes  to,  10;  forbids  service  on 
foreign  privateers,  etc.,  10,  11, 
37;  provides  for  defense,  38,  39, 

41,  42,  55,  56;  abrogates  French 
treaties,  39,  247,  248,  276;  au 
thorizes  construction  of  frigates, 

42,  45;  and  the  appointment  of 
officers,  etc.,  50,  51;  establishes 
the  marine  corps,  53;  and  the 
Navy  Department,  54;  author 
izes  more  ships,  55-57;  and  pri 
vateering,  58,  59, 225;  prescribes 
regulations,    59,    60;    provides 
other    defensive   measures,    60, 
61;  authorizes  captures,  61,  63, 
66;  passes  retaliation  act,  61,  88; 
authorizes   seventy-fours,    etc., 
85;  well  disposed  to  the   navy, 
86;  calls  for  report  on  prisoners. 
88,  89;  restricts  intercourse  with 
France,  105, 106, 113, 115;  votes 
Truxtun  a  gold  medal,  177;  rati 
fies  treaty,  221,  249,  250,  277; 
receives  President's  speech,  223; 
and  report  on  navy,  252;  pro 
vides  for   peace   establishment, 
255;    authorizes  suppression  of 
piracy,  262;  passes  embargo  and 
non-intercourse  acts,  263,   264; 
discusses     possible    war     with 
France,    266;    passes    bills  for 
relief  of    claimants,    270,   273, 
274;    claimants    make   applica 
tion  to,  272,  273;  makes  appro 
priations,  274. 

Congress,  U.  S.  frigate,  built,  56, 
131;  on  convoy  duty,  132,  151; 
sails  for  the  East  Indies,  151; 
dismasted,  152,  153,  159;  men 
tioned,  154, 155, 156;  on  the  San 
Domingo  station,  191,  208,  209, 
216;  her  narrow  escapes,  209; 
returns  home,  217;  retained  in 
the  service,  252,  255,  257;  or 
dered  to  Washington,  258;  off 
Mt.  Vernon,  258,  259. 

Connecticut,  U.  S.  Ship,  56;  on  the 
Guadeloupe  station,  128,  133, 
193,  199;  off  Porto  Rico,  129; 
takes  prizes,  129,  130,  149,  193; 
cruising,  221. 


Conquest  of  Italy,  prize  brig,  129, 
149,  150,  163. 

Constellation,  U.  S.  frigate,  47; 
launched,  48;  fitted  out,  55; 

j  armed  with  carronades,  57,  120; 
cruise  of,  64;  her  second  cruise, 
65,  68;  on  convoy  duty,  71; 
Truxtun 's  flagship,  83,  93;  her 
action  with  the  Insurgente,  93- 
98;  her  force,  99;  her  losses,  100; 
receives  prisoners,  101,  102;  at 
St.  Christopher,  103,  104;  re 
turns  home,  104;  luck  of,  105; 
sails  again  for  the  West  Indies, 
121;  mentioned,  139,  217;  meets 
the  Insurgente,  150,  163,  176; 
on  the  Guadeloupe  station,  162, 
189;  chases  the  Vengeance,  163, 
164;  and  fights  her,  164-171, 
199;  her  force,  171;  her  crew, 
172;  her  losses,  172;  her  fire, 
174;  after  the  battle,  175,  176; 
at  Jamaica,  176;  returns  home, 
177;  on  the  San  Domingo  sta 
tion,  188,  190,  191;  at  Havana, 
192,  220;  in  a  gale,  218,  219; 
retained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257. 

Constitution,  U.  S.  frigate,  47; 
built  and  launched,  48;  fitted 
out,  55;  sails  from  Boston,  69, 
70;  on  convoy  duty,  71,  77;  in 
the  West  Indies,  72, 105;  in  Bar 
ry's  squadron,  81;  chases  the 
Insurgente,  105;  sails  home  with 
a  convoy,  107;  at  Boston,  112, 
122,  188;  Talbot's  flagship,  115, 
124,  133,  182;  cruise  proposed 
for,  123;  cruising,  124;  wins  a 
race,  125;  on  the  San  Domingo 
station,  182-187, 199,  216;  mans 
a  cutting-out  expedition,  182; 
returns  home,  217;  retained  in 
the  service,  252,  255,  257. 

Consuls,  French,  6,  7,  9,  11, 13, 19, 
20,  39;  American,  36. 

Convoys,  to  and  from  Havana,  65, 
66,  71,  77,  113,  181,  182,  220; 
to  and  from  St.  Thomas,  76,  111, 
118,  119,  195,  207,  221;  to  and 
from  St.  Christopher,  91,  92,  93, 
149,  207,  244;  difficulties  of,  92, 
93,  160,  161;  to  and  from  the 
West  Indies,  107,  110,  133,  194; 
chased  by  a  French  frigate,  118, 
119;  Stoddert's  opinion  of,  123; 


314 


INDEX 


from  Surinam,  125,  195;  to  and 
from  the  East  Indies,  132,  151, 
157-161;  during  1799,  133;  at 
tacked  by  pirates,  139-145;  on 
the  Gaudeloupe  station,  194. 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  58,  306. 

Court  of  Claims,  273,  275,  280. 

Cowper,  William,  lieutenant,  101 ; 
master  commandant,  105;  in 
command  of  the  Baltimore,  130. 

Cross,  George,  captain,  133,  193. 

Croyable,  French  privateer,  cap 
tured,  65,  112;  name  changed  to 
Retaliation,  65. 

Cuba,  81,  83,  113,  192,  221. 

Curacao,  38;  cruising  about,  82, 
149, 207;  the  Vengeance  at,  168- 
174,  177,  190,  196;  included  in 
the  Guadeloupe  station,  194; 
American  interests  in,  196;  out 
rage  by  a  privateer  from,  196;  a 
French  expedition  attempts  the 
capture  of,  196-199;  Americans 
in  the  defense  of,  198;  the 
French  driven  off,  199;  action  of 
privateers  off,  226,  227. 

Cygne,  French  privateer,  200. 

Dale,  Richard,  captain,  appointed 
in  the  navy,  49;  dispute  as  to 
rank,  50,  64;  in  command  of  the 
Ganges,  63,  64;  in  command  of 
the  Mediterranean  squadron, 
258. 

Dana,  Francis,  23. 

Da  vie,  William  Richardson,  envoy 
to  negotiate  with  France,  246; 
arrives  in  Paris,  247;  negotiating, 
248,  249. 

Davis,  John,  judge,  274,  275,  279, 
280. 

Deane,  Silas,  1. 

Decatur,  Stephen,  captain,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Delaware,  64,  66; 
captures  the  Croyable,  65;  senior 
officer  off  Cuba,  83, 113;  in  com 
mand  of  the  Philadelphia,  178, 
217. 

Decatur,  Stephen,  midshipman, 
64,  66,  90;  lieutenant,  109;  men 
tioned,  178. 

Decrees  of  France,  under  the  re 
public,  22,  28,  29,  30,  31-34,  35, 
37,  269,  297,  298.  299;  in  the 
West  Indies,  32,  35,  261;  im 
perial  decrees,  260, 263, 264, 265, 


269, 297, 299-301 ;  pretended  re 
vocation  of,  265;  seizures  under, 
266;  Spanish  decrees,  267. 

Delaware,  U.  S.  ship,  cruise  of,  64; 
captures  the  Croyable,  65,  112; 
ordered  to  the  West  Indies,  66; 
sails,  67;  returns,  69;  off  coast  of 
Cuba,  83,  113;  on  the  Guade 
loupe  station,  111,  133,  193;  at 
Curacao,  149.  173. 

Democrat,  French  privateer,  91 . 

Denmark,  spoliations  by,  266,  267; 
claims  against,  268. 

Derby,  Elias  Basket,  Jr.,  229. 

Desfourneaux,  Etienne,  French 
general,  governor  of  Guadeloupe, 
75;  releases  prisoners,  75,  87,  88, 
91;  his  correspondence,  87,  88, 
89;  declares  Guadeloupe  open  to 
trade,  88,  92;  capture  of  the  In- 
surgente  reported  to,  95;  his 
orders,  100;  declares  war,  103; 
exchanges  prisoners,  104;  re 
called,  128. 

Dessalines,  Jean  Jacques,  260. 

Deux  Amis,  French  privateer, 
204. 

Deux,  Anges,  French  privateer 
178. 

Diana,  French  schooner,  205,  206. 

Diligence,  U.  S.  schooner,  82. 

Directory,  Executive,  of  France, 
22;  refuses  to  recognize  U.  S. 
envoys,  23;  solicits  a  bribe  from 
them,  24;  treats  them  with  dis 
courtesy.  25,  26;  decrees  of,  33; 
prize  cases  to  be  referred  to,  103, 
104;  agent  of,  114;  interviews 
of  Logan  with,  246;  overthrown, 
247. 

Discipline  in  the  navy,  132,  134- 
136. 

Dix,  John  Adams,  274. 

Dominica,  82,  202,  244. 

Eagle,  U.  S.  brig,  82,  111,  133, 193, 
195,  221. 

East  Indies,  132,  151,  156-159, 
221. 

Eliza,  American  armed  ship,  225, 
226. 

Ellsworth,  Oliver,  envoy  to  ne 
gotiate  with  France,  246;  ar 
rives  in  Paris,  247;  negotiating, 
248,  249. 

Embargo,  at  Bordeaux,  31,  36, 


INDEX 


315 


271;  in  American  ports,  263, 
265. 

Embuscade,  French  frigate,  4,  5, 
9. 

England,  at  war,  3,  14;  complaints 
of,  5;  ministers  of,  5,  9;  navy  of, 
8,  134;  privateers  of,  9,  29,  71, 
262;  relations  with,  16,  17,  29, 
264;  spoliations  committed  by, 
17,  29,  260,  263,  266;  reparation 
demanded  of,  21,  22;  impress 
ments  by,  32,  78,  79;  naval  su 
premacy  of,  35;  arrogance  of 
her  naval  officers,  76-79,  111, 
181;  orders  in  council  of,  260, 
263,  265;  war  declared  against, 
265;  claims  against,  268;  treaty 
with,  see  Treaties. 

Enterprise,  U.  S.  schooner,  built, 
133;  her  first  cruise,  148.  149; 
returns  home  with  dispatches, 
176,  199;  on  the  Guadeloupe 
station,  194,  199,  221;  returns 
to  the  West  Indies,  199;  en 
counters  a  Spanish  brig,  200; 
captures  privateers,  200-204; 
and  the  Flambeau,  201,  202; 
her  record,  203;  retained  in  the 
service,  257;  sent  to  the  Mediter 
ranean,  258. 

Esperance,  French  brig,  130. 

Essex,  U.  S.  frigate,  built,  56,  131; 
launched,  132;  on  convoy  duty, 
132,  151,  157-161;  sails  for  the 
East  Indies,  151;  in  a  gale,  153, 
154;  in  Table  Bay,  155,  156; 
cruising  in  the  Straits  of  Sunda, 
157-159;  chases  a  French  cor 
vette,  158;  sails  home  with  a 
convoy,  159;  in  the  Indian  ocean, 
160;  arrives  in  New  York,  161; 
retained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257;  sent  to  the  Mediterranean, 
258. 

Estaing,  Charles  Hector  d't  ad 
miral,  215. 

Everett,  Edward,  274. 

Experiment,  U.  S.  schooner,  built, 
133;  on  the  San  Domingo  sta 
tion,  133, 139, 179, 187, 199,216; 
attacked  by  picaroons,  139-144, 
145,  146;  her  officers,  146,  147; 
takes  a  Danish  vessel,  148; 
cruising,  204-208;  takes  prizes, 
204,  205,  207;  rescues  ship 
wrecked  people,  207,  208. 


Fauchet,  Jean  Antoine  Joseph, 
French  minister  to  the  United 
States,  12,  13,  16,21,22. 

Favorite,  American  armed  ship, 
238. 

Fenwick,  Joseph,  36. 

Ferrand,  Louis,  general,  261. 

Flambeau,  French  brig,  captured 
by  the  Enterprise,  201,  202. 

Flambeau,  French  schooner,  207. 

Fletcher,  Patrick,  captain,  81, 114, 
209. 

Florida,  12,  13,  268. 

Flying  Fish,  Danish  brig,  116, 117. 

France,  negotiations  with,  1,  13, 
23-27,  245,  247-249,  269,  270, 
277;  complaints  of,  2,  16,  17-22, 
25;  republic  of,  3,  8,  110;  does 
not  insist  upon  guarantee,  7; 
national  convention  of,  7,  29-31, 
35;  government  of,  10,  12,  13, 
14,  16,  22,  23,  36,  247,  250,  270; 
relations  with,  17,  18,  22, 41,  61, 
245,  251;  feeling  against,  38, 
265;  intercourse  with,  suspend 
ed,  39,  61,  105,  106,  115;  peace 
with,  219,  220,  221;  navy  of, 
223;  empire  of,  267;  consuls  of, 
decrees  of,  Directory  of,  priva 
teers  of,  spoliations  committed 
by,  treaties  with,  war  with,  see 
the  various  words. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  1. 

Frigates  of  1794,  authorized,  42; 
plans  for,  43-46;  armament  of, 
43,  46,  57;  dimensions  of,  46; 
construction  of,  46-48,  56,  131; 
launching  of,  48,  121,  217. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  265,  269. 

Ganges,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  cruise  of, 
63,  64,  68;  Tingey's  flagship,  83. 
Ill;  takes  prizes,  111,  192;  her 
orders,  221. 

Geddes,  Henry,  captain,  196. 

Gembeau,  French  privateer,  177. 

General  Greene,  U.  S.  frigate, 
built.  56,  112;  at  Havana,  113: 
on  the  San  Domingo  station, 
113,  115,  116,  120,  133,  180;  as 
sists  in  the  capture  of  Jacmel, 
180, 181, 186;  off  the  Mississippi, 
181;  returns  home,  182;  re 
tained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257,  258. 

General  Greene,  U.  8.  sloop,  83. 


316 


INDEX 


General  Massena,  French  priva 
teer,  178. 

Genet,  Edmond  Charles,  French 
minister  to  the  United  States, 
arrives  at  Charleston ,  4 ;  fits  out 
privateers,  4,  5,  8,  11;  his  con 
duct,  5,  6,  8,  9,  10,  11,  16;  does 
not  press  the  guarantee,  7;  re 
buked  by  the  French  govern 
ment,  8;  his  recall  requested, 
10;  plans  conquest  of  Louisiana, 
12;  recalled,  12,  13,  17;  remains 
in  the  United  States,  13,  15;  his 
character,  14. 

Genius,  American  armed  brig, 
228. 

George  Washington,  U.  S.  frigate, 
56;  in  Barry's  squadron,  81;  re 
turns  home,  107;  cruising,  110; 
on  the  Guadeloupe  station,  111; 
on  the  San  Domingo  station, 
114;  in  the  Mediterranean,  221, 
257. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  envoy  to  negoti 
ate  with  France,  23,  38;  his  inter 
views  with  X,Y,  and  Z,  23-26; 
his  interviews  with  Talleyrand, 
23,  25;  bribe  demanded  of,  24; 
corresponds  with  Talleyrand,  26, 
27,  245. 

Goldsborough,  Charles  W.,  102, 
285. 

Gonaive,  115,  139,  140,  142,  145, 
178,  179. 

Governor  Jay,  U.  S.  schooner,  83. 

Guadeloupe,  position  of,  34,  35; 
taken  by  the  British  and  recap 
tured  by  the  French,  35;  ren 
dezvous  of  French  cruisers,  35, 
38;  squadron  ordered  to,  72; 
change  of  governors  at,  75,  128; 
prisoners  at,  75,  76,  87,  88,  89, 
91,  103,  104,  128,  129,  194,  202, 
203;  privateers  of,  76,  88,  89, 
104, 128, 129, 189,  193,  200,  204, 
205,  219,  228;  declared  open  to 
trade,  88,  92;  at  war  with  the 
United  States,  103;  naval  sta 
tion  of ,  111,  121,  124,  133,162, 
163, 178, 193, 194, 199,  210,  217, 
218,  220;  frigates  at,  127,  128; 
French  force  from,  196-199. 

Guarantee  of  French  possessions, 
2,  3,  7,  247,  249,  275. 

Gunnery  of  Americans,  100. 

Guns,  57. 


Haiti,  revolution  in,  34,  260,  261 ; 
French  commissioners  in,  34,  35; 
naval  operations  about,  83; 
ports  of,  114.  See  San  Domingo. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  major-gen 
eral,  60,  181. 

Hautval,  L.,  27. 

Havana,  convoys  to  and  from,  65, 
66,  71,  77,  113,  181,  182,  220; 
the  Baltimore  at,  76,  77;  the 
American  consul  at,  79;  cruising 
off.  83,  133,  192;  naval  station 
of,  120, 133, 190, 192;  Murray  at, 
150,  192,  220;  mentioned,  179, 
200,  237;  action  of  privateers 
near,  233. 

Henry,  Patrick,  246. 

Herald,  U.  S.  ship,  in  Barry's 
squadron,  66,  68,  81 ;  at  Boston, 
67;  on  the  coast,  68;  on  the  San 
Domingo  station,  133.  187,  188, 
199;  off  Porto  Rico,  162;  bears 
news  of  peace,  221. 

Heureuse  Rencontre,  French  pri 
vateer,  177. 

Higginson,  Stephen,  107,  131. 

Hillar,  Benjamin,  master  com 
mandant,  210. 

Hiram,  American  ship,  242,  243. 

Hirondale,  French  privateer,  37. 

Holland,  at  war  with  France,  3; 
United  States  envoys  in,  22,  23, 
245;  spoliations  committed  by, 
29,  266,  267;  ally  of  France,  35, 
266,  267;  complaint  to  minister 
of,  196;  claims  against,  268,  269. 

Hottinguer,  27. 

Howe,  James,  172. 

Hugues,  Victor,  governor  of 
Guadeloupe,  35,  75. 

Hull,  Isaac,  lieutenant,  on  the 
Constitution,  70,  122;  leads  a 
cutting-out  expedition,  182- 
186;  letter  of,  216. 

Humphreys,  David,  108. 

Humphreys,  Joshua,  shipbuilder; 
42;  views  of,  43-45;  builds  frig 
ate  United  States,  47. 

Hussar,  French  armed  ship,  125, 
126. 

Impressment  of  American  seamen, 

17,  32,  77-80,  88,  171. 
Industry,   American  armed   ship, 

239,  240. 
Insurgente,  French  frigate,  in  the 


INDEX 


317 


West  Indies,  74;  chases  Ameri 
can  vessels,  74;  her  action  with 
the  Constellation,  93-98,  171; 
surrenders,  94,  98;  loses  her  top 
mast,  94,  96,  99;  her  force,  99; 
her  losses,  100;  with  a  prize  crew, 
101 , 102,  204;  at  St.  Christopher, 
103,  104;  chased  by  the  Consti 
tution,  105;  taken  into  the  ser 
vice,  126;  makes  a  European 
cruise,  126,  127;  at  Lisbon,  126; 
at  Gibraltar,  127;  off  Cayenne, 
127;  in  the  West  Indies,  127- 
129,  133,  149,  150,  163;  at  Ja 
maica,  150,  176;  at  Havana, 
150.  192,  220;  lost  at  sea,  209. 
210,  250. 

Jacmel,  148, 179;  siege  of,  180, 181. 
186,  187. 

Jaloux,  French  privateer,  69. 

Jamaica,  37,  150,  166,  171,  175, 
176,  177,  189,  190.  217. 

Jarvis,  James,  midshipman,  166, 
167,  177. 

Jason,  French  privateer,  193. 

Jay,  John,  concludes  treaty  with 
England,  17,  20,  21. 

Jay's  treaty.   See  Treaties. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  secretary  of 
state,  5,  7,  9,  10;  his  opinion  of 
Genet,  6;  requests  his  recall, 
10;  issues  a  circular,  11;  fears 
war  with  Spain,  12;  resigns,  16; 
minister  to  France,  41;  presi 
dent,  reduces  the  navy,  256, 
257;  his  view  of  trade  with 
Haiti,  260;  fits  out  a  naval 
force,  261. 

Jeremie,  116,  179,  188,  191. 

Jewett,  David,  master-command 
ant,  191. 

John  Adams,  U.  S.  frigate,  built, 
56;  off  Surinam,  125;  off  Porto 
Rico,  193;  captures  privateers, 
193;  at  St.  Christopher,  197; 
retained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257. 

Knox,  Henry,  secretary  of  war,  42, 
45;  appointed  major-general, 
60. 

Lee,  Arthur,  1. 

Leogane,  Bight  of,  115,  139,  145, 
178,  187. 


Letombe,  French  consul-general 
to  the  United  States,  16,  39. 

Little,  George,  captain,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Boston,  116;  takes 
the  Flying  Fish,  116;  held  liable 
for  damages,  117;  on  the  San 
Domingo  station,  179;  his  re 
port  of  his  action  with  the  Ber- 
ceau,  210-213,  215;  brings  her 
into  Boston,  215. 

Little  Sarah,  French  privateer,  9. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  U.  S.  min 
ister  to  France,  251,  271.  277, 
278,  279. 

Logan,  George,  246. 

London  Packet,  American  armed 
ship,  232,  233. 

Louis  XVI,  king  of  France,  1, 2,  3. 

Louis,  king  of  Holland,  267. 

Louis  Philippe,  king  of  the  French; 
270. 

Louisa,  American  armed  ship,  241; 
242. 

Louisa  Bridger,  British  schooner; 
206. 

Louisiana,  12,  13,  251,  262,  271. 

McElroy,  Archibald,  lieutenant; 
179. 

McHenry,  James,  secretary  of  war, 
63. 

McNeill,  Daniel,  captain,  81,  125, 
126,  133,  194. 

Madison,  James,  6,  7;  secretary  of 
state,  274,  275. 

Magicienne,  French  schooner,  cap 
tured  by  the  Merrimack,  112, 
118.  See  Croyable  and  Retalia 
tion. 

Maitland,  Thomas,  general,  114. 

Maley,  William,  lieutenant,  in 
command  of  the  Experiment, 
139;  attacked  by  picaroons,  139; 
his  arrangements,  140, 141.  143; 
his  conduct,  143,  145,  146,  147; 
wishes  to  surrender,  146;  com 
plaints  against  him,  147;  re 
signs,  148. 

Marine  corps,  39,  41,  54. 

Marshall,  John,  envoy  to  negotiate 
with  France,  23;  his  interviews 
with  X,  Y,  and  Z,  23-26;  his 
interviews  and  correspondence 
with  Talleyrand,  23.  25,  26; 
returns  to  the  United  States, 
26,  38;  his  opinion  of  Talley- 


318 


INDEX 


rand,  27;  favors  paying  claims, 
274. 

Martinique,  34,  38,  90,  91,  128, 
149,  163,  193, 195, 207,  243. 

Maryland,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  off  Suri 
nam,  125,  127,  133,  194,  195;  on 
the  Guadeloupe  station,  193; 
sent  to  France,  221. 

Mercator,  Danish  schooner,  148. 

Mercer,  John  Fenton,  midshipman, 
130. 

Merlin  de  Douai,  Philippe  An- 
toine,  24. 

Merrimack,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  in 
Barry's  squadron,  81,  92;  on 
convoy  duty,  92,  93,  107,  207, 
221;  on  the  Guadeloupe  station, 
111,  193;  recaptures  the  Retali 
ation  (Magicienne),  112,  118; 
takes  prizes,  112,  199;  off  Cura 
cao,  197-199;  returns  home,  221. 

Milan  decree,  263,  267. 

Molly,  American  armed  ship,  227, 
228. 

Monroe,  James,  U.  S.  minister  to 
France,  16,  22,  23,  277. 

Montezuma,  U.  S.  ship,  in  the 
West  Indies,  68,  72,  73;  chased 
by  a  French  frigate,  74;  cruising, 
75,  76,  83,  110;  on  convoy  duty, 
91,  92;  at  St.  Christopher,  104, 
111. 

Morris,  Charles,  midshipman,  131 ; 
209,  256. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  U.  S.  minister 
to  France,  10,  16,  29,  30. 

Morris,  Richard  Valentine,  cap 
tain,  in  command  of  the  Adams, 
128,  133;  takes  prizes,  128,  177; 
in  command  of  the  Guadeloupe 
station,  129,  178;  transferred  to 
the  New  York,  218. 

Morris,  Robert,  43. 

Mount  Vernon,  American  armed 
ship,  229-232. 

Mullowny,  John,  captain,  110,  111, 
192. 

Murray,  Alexander,  captain,  in 
command  of  the  Montezuma, 
72,  83;  his  reports,  73,  76,  91, 
110, 126,  127,  128,  150,  190,  191, 
218,  220;  at  St.  Thomas,  76; 
returns  home  sick,  110;  in  com 
mand  of  the  Insurgente,  126; 
cruising,  126-129,  149,  150,  163, 
176;  at  Lisbon,  126;  at  St.  Chris 


topher,  128,  189;  at  Jamaica, 
150,  176;  at  Havana,  150,  192, 
220 ;  in  command  of  the  Constel 
lation,  188;  and  of  the  San  Do 
mingo  station,  188-192,  209; 
cruising,  218-220;  conveys  news 
of  peace,  220. 

Murray,  William  Vans,  U.  S.  min 
ister  to  Holland,  245;  envoy  to 
negotiate  with  France,  245,  246; 
arrives  in  Paris,  247;  negotiat 
ing,  248,  249. 

Mutine,  French  privateer,  162. 

Nancy,  American  armed  ship,  237. 

Naples,  spoliations  by,  266,  267; 
claims  against,  268. 

Napoleon  I,  emperor,  power  of, 
260;  sends  an  expedition  to 
Haiti,  260;  issues  decrees,  263, 
264,  265;  declares  them  revoked, 
265;  influence  of,  266;  receives 
American  prizes,  267;  claims 
against,  269.  See  Bonaparte. 

Navy  Department,  establishment 
of,  39,  45,  54 ;  general  orders  of, 
63,  66,  79,  80, 106,  117, 132, 137. 

Navy,  U.  S.,  reestablishment  of, 
necessary,  41,  281;  first  vessels 
of,  authorized,  42;  building  of, 
47,  48;  officers  for,  49-51;  ex 
pansion  of,  50,  51,  53,  55-57;  on 
a  war  footing,  51,  61,  62;  enlist 
ment  in,  51,  108,  109,  161;  pay 
of,  51,  52;  ration  of,  52,  53;  reg 
ulations  for,  52,  53,  54,  58,  59, 
60,  286;  humiliation  of,  76,  77; 
at  the  end  of  1798,  81-83;  re 
port  on,  84;  increase  of,  au 
thorized,  85;  public  opinion  in 
favor  of,  86;  in  1799,  87;  gun 
nery  of,  100;  at  the  end  of  1799, 
132,  133;  discipline  in,  132,  134- 
136;  at  the  end  of  the  war,  221; 
prizes  taken  by,  222;  cost  of, 
222 ;  protection  afforded  by,  222, 
224,  254;  compared  with  the 
French  navy,  223;  reduction  of, 
252,  255-257;  increase  of,  re 
commended,  253-255;  on  a  peace 
footing,  257;  breaks  up  piracy, 
261,  262;  ships  of,  301;  officers 
of,  303. 

Nereid,  British  frigate,  197,  199. 

Neutrality,  proclamation  of,  3, 14; 
armed,  20. 


INDEX 


319 


Newman,  Timothy,  master-com 
mandant,  193. 

New  York,  U.  S.  frigate,  56,  218, 
221,  252,  258. 

Nicholson,  Samuel,  captain,  48; 
appointed  in  the  navy,  49;  in 
command  of  the  Constitution, 
69,  105;  receives  orders,  70,  71, 
72;  on  convoy  duty,  71 ;  gives  up 
an  English  prize,  105,  106;  re 
turns  home,  107;  on  shore  duty, 
107. 

Niger,  British  privateer,  71,  105. 

Norfolk,  U.  S.  brig,  in  the  West 
Indies,  72,  73;  chased  by  a 
French  frigate,  74;  cruising,  75; 
hi  Truxtun's  squadron,  83,  104, 
105;  at  St.  Christopher,  104, 
117;  on  the  Guadeloupe  station, 
111,  117;  escapes  from  a  French 
frigate,  118,  119,  121;  on  the 
San  Domingo  station,  120;  on 
the  Havana  station,  120,  133, 
192;  at  Carthagena,  190;  re 
turns  to  New  York,  192. 

Officers,  naval,  49-54;  pay  and 
rations  of,  51-53;  hardships  of, 
134-136;  in  the  American  and 
French  navies,  223;  reduction 
of,  255,  256;  selection  of,  256; 
character  of,  256,  257;  list  of, 
303-305. 

Paris,  general,  128. 

Patapsco,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  on  the  San 
Domingo  station,  133;  at  New 
Orleans,  181 ;  on  the  Guadeloupe 
station,  194,  197;  at  Curacao, 
196,  197,  198,  199;  returns 
home,  203. 

Perry,  Christopher  Raymond,  cap 
tain,  in  command  of  the  General 
Greene,  on  the  Havana  and  San 
Domingo  stations,  113;  at  Jac- 
mel,  180, 181;  thanked  by  Tous- 
saint,  186. 

Perry,  Oliver  Hazard,  midshipman, 
113. 

Perseverance,  American  armed 
ship,  226. 

Perseverance,  American  armed 
ship,  235,  236. 

Philadelphia,  U.  S.  frigate,  built, 
56,  178;  on  the  Guadeloupe  sta 
tion,  178,  193,  221;  cruising, 


217,  218;  takes  prizes,  218;  re 
tained  in  the  service,  252,  255, 
257;  sent  to  the  Mediterranean, 
258. 

Phillips,  B.  H.,  U.  S.  consul,  197. 

Phillips,  Isaac,  captain,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Baltimore,  65;  off 
Havana,  76;  on  convoy  duty, 
77;  his  experience  with  a  Brit 
ish  squadron,  77-81;  dismissed 
from  the  navy,  80,  81,  121. 

Pichon,  Louis  Ame'de'e,  French 
secretary  of  legation  at  the 
Hague,  245. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  secretary  of 
state,  16,  31,  89,  114,  234. 

Pickering,  U.  S.  brig,  in  Barry's 
squadron,  66,  67,  81;  on  the 
coast,  68;  on  the  Guadeloupe  sta 
tion,  111,  128,  193;  lost  at  sea, 
210. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  president,  273; 
278. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  275. 

Pinckney,  Charles  Cotesworth,  U. 
S.  minister  to  France,  16;  not 
received,  22;  appointed  envoy 
to  negotiate,  23,  38;  his  inter 
views  with  X,  Y,  and  Z,  23-26; 
and  with  Talleyrand,  23,  25,  26; 
leaves  Paris,  26;  appointed 
major-general,  60. 

Pinckney,  U.  S.  brig,  83,  120,  133. 

Piracy,  in  the  Mediterranean,  41, 
42,  253,  258;  West  Indian,  82, 
261;  on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  113; 
in  the  Bight  of  Leogane,  115, 
120,  139-144,  145,  146,  188;  at 
Carthagena,  191 ;  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  262. 

Pitot,  A.M.,  captain  of  the  French 
frigate  Vengeance,  168,  169, 
174,  175. 

Planter,  American  armed  ship, 
228,  229. 

Polk,  James  Knox,  president,  273. 

Porter,  David,  midshipman,  on 
the  Constellation,  98,  99;  with 
prize  crew  of  the  Insurgente, 
101;  hardships  of,  134-136; 
lieutenant,  on  the  Experiment, 
139;  wounded,  143;  in  com 
mand,  146;  his  conduct,  146, 
147;  prize  master  of  the  Deux 
Amis,  204;  brings  her  into  port, 
205;  in  command  of  the  Am- 


320 


INDEX 


phitrite,  216;  master-command 
ant,  seizes  privateers,  262. 

Porter,  David  Dixon,  admiral,  99, 
102,  134,  146. 

Porto  Plata,  182-186. 

Porto  Rico,  37,  119,  208;  Ameri 
can  prisoners  at,  66,  193;  cruis 
ing  about,  72,  81,  83,  129,  161, 
162,  193,  196,  209,  220;  included 
in  the  San  Domingo  station, 
133;  depredations  of  privateers 
about,  161,  162. 

Port  Republicain,  114,  115,  144, 
179,  188. 

Portsmouth,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  in 
Barry's  squadron,  81;  off  Suri 
nam,  125,  133;  sails  for  France, 
220. 

Preble,  Edward,  lieutenant,  in 
command  of  the  Pickering,  82; 
captain,  in  command  of  the 
Essex,  132,  151;  his  journal  and 
reports,  154-159;  at  Cape  Town, 
155,  156;  in  the  East  Indies, 
156-159;  his  voyage  home,  159- 
161. 

President,  U.  S.  frigate,  built,  56; 
Truxtun's  flagship,  217;  cruis 
ing,  221 ;  retained  in  the  service, 
252,  255,  257;  sent  to  the  Med 
iterranean,  258. 

Prince  Rupert's  Bay,  82,  92,  93. 

Prisoners,  French,  at  Ft.  Mifflin, 
65;  American,  at  Porto  Rico,  67, 
193;  at  Guadeloupe,  75,  87,  88, 
91,  128,  194,  202;  treatment  of, 
75.  88,  89,  202;  released,  75,  87, 
103,  203;  French,  at  St.  Thomas, 
76;  exchange  of,  82,  89,  91,  104, 
128,  129,  194,  202,  203;  French, 
in  the  United  States,  88,  89;  on 
the  Insurgente,  101,  102,  104; 
at  St.  Christopher,  104,  194, 
206;  President's  views  on,  129; 
American,  on  the  Vengeance, 
171,  175;  French,  taken  by  the 
Trumbull,  191;  American,  at 
Cayenne,  195,  196;  French,  on 
the  Deux  Amis,  204,  205;  on  the 
Berceau,  211;  at  Boston,  215. 

Privateers,  of  France,  in  American 
ports,  4,  5,  6,  8,  9,  11,  12,  13,  18, 
19,  247;  corrupt  owners  of,  24, 
30;  their  bases  in  the  West  In 
dies,  35,  82,  88,  89,  91,  115,  261; 
Americans  interested  in,  36; 


from  Guadeloupe,  76,  88,  89,  91; 
104,  128,  129, 178, 189,  193,  200, 
205,  219;  in  the  East  Indies, 
157-159;  actions  of,  etc.,  with 
Americans,  see  names  of  various 
vessels;  spoliations  committed 
by,  see  Spoliations;  privateers 
of  Great  Britain,  see  England;  of 
Spain,  see  Spain;  of  the  United 
States,  58,  59,  225-242. 
Prizes,  taken  by  Americans  during 
1799,  133;  during  the  war,  222; 
given  up  under  the  treaty,  250, 
251;  taken  by  the  French,  5,  6, 
8,  9,  11,  12,  18,  19.  See  Decrees, 
France,  Spoliations,  Treaties, 
and  names  of  vessels  making  cap 
tures. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  264. 

Rambouillet  decree,  264. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  secretary  of 
state,  16,  22,  29. 

Rating  of  ships  of  war,  57. 

Ration,  of  navy,  52,  53;  of  prison 
ers,  89. 

Retaliation,  U.  S.  schooner,  65; 
cruising,  72-74;  captured,  73, 
74,  117,  222;  taken  to  Guade 
loupe,  75;  sent  to  the  United 
States  with  prisoners,  87,  88; 
sent  back  with  French  prisoners, 
89;  recaptured  by  the  Merri- 
mack,  112,  222.  See  Croyable 
and  Magicienne. 

Revenge,  French  privateer,  226, 
227. 

Revenue  cutters,  the  only  armed 
vessels  before  1798,  41,  87;  ser 
vice  established,  55;  strength  of, 
increased,  55;  taken  into  the 
navy,  57,  61;  cruising,  66,  68, 
71;  on  naval  stations,  81,  82,  83; 
returned  to  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment,  257;  list  of,  302,  303. 

Revolution,  American,  1,2,  20,  41, 
49,60,116,134,215,256. 

Revolution,  French,  2,  14,  28,  30, 
223,  272,  275,  281. 

Richmond,  U.  S.  brig,  56,  83,  111, 
216. 

Rigaud,  Benoit  Joseph  Andre",  dis 
putes  the  authority  of  Tous- 
saint,  115,  116;  his  ports  and 
piratical  barges,  115;  loses  Jac- 


INDEX 


321 


mel,  180,  181,  186;  evacuates 
ports,  187;  leaves  San  Domingo, 
188;  his  officers,  191;  captured, 
205;  at  St.  Christopher,  206. 

Rives,  William  Cabell,  270. 

Robespierre,  Maximilien  Marie 
Isidore,  14. 

Robinson,  William  D.,  197. 

Rodgers,  John,  lieutenant,  on  the 
Constellation,  94;  letter  by,  94, 
95,  101 ;  prize  master  of  the  In- 
surgente,  101, 102,  103;  captain, 
105;  in  command  of  the  Mary 
land,  133;  discipline  of,  134- 
136;  cruising  off  Surinam,  194, 
195;  takes  treaty  to  France,  221. 

R61e  d'e"quipage,  32,  33,  249. 

Russell,  Charles  C.,  master  com 
mandant,  81,  162,  187,  221. 

St.  Bartholomew,  203,  205. 

St.  Christopher,  82;  naval  rendez 
vous,  83,  111,  117, 128, 129,  149, 
162,  189,  196,  197,  190,  221; 
convoys  from,  92,  207,  244;  the 
Constellation  and  Insurgente  at, 
102-104;  prisoners  at,  104,  194; 
prizes  brought  to,  149,  195,  200, 
204,  205;  Murray  ordered  to, 
150,  163;  Rigaud  at,  206;  at  the 
end  of  the  war,  221. 

St.  Laurent,  commodore,  in  com 
mand  of  a  French  squadron, 
74. 

St.  Thomas,  convoys  from,  76, 
111,  118,  119,  195,  207,  221; 
mentioned,  116,  177,  228;  the 
Enterprise  at.  199;  the  Constel 
lation  at,  220. 

Sally,  American  sloop,  183,  184. 

San  Domingo,  34;  naval  station  at, 
113, 133, 139, 145, 161, 180, 182, 
189,  216,  221;  American  trade 
with,  113,  114,  115,  189;  its 
ports  opened,  114,  116,  120; 
piracy  of,  115,  139,  145;  cruising 
off,  115,  116,  120,  178,  189,  190; 
Talbot  in  command  of,  124,  125, 
133;  civil  war  in,  186-188,  205; 
change  of  commanders  at,  188, 
189,  209,  216;  city  of,  207,  208, 
260;  French  commander  at,  261. 
See  Haiti. 

Sandwich,  French  privateer,  183- 
186. 

Sans  Pareil,  French  privateer,  69. 


Scammel,  U.  S.  schooner,  82,  125, 
133,  194. 

Senes,  Louis  Andre",  captain,  in 
command  of  the  Berceau,  210, 
211,  212,  213,  215. 

Sever,  James,  captain,  appointed 
in  the  navy,  49;  in  command  of 
the  Herald,  66;  and  of  the  Con 
gress,  131,  151;  his  character, 
131;  his  report,  151-153;  on  the 
San  Domingo  station,  208;  his 
seamanship,  209;  salutes  Mount 
Vernon,  258. 

Shaw,  John,  lieutenant,  command 
ing  the  Enterprise,  148,  199, 
202;  bearer  of  Truxtun's  dis 
patches,  176,  177;  his  reports, 
199,  200,  201;  is  relieved,  203. 

Sherman,  John,  274. 

Shirley,  Ambrose,  sailing-master, 
101. 

Shot,  weight  of,  58. 

Skipwith,  Fulwar,  U.  S.  consul- 
general  at  Paris,  27,  35,  36. 

Smith,  David,  171. 

Smith,  William,  U.  S.  minister  to 
Portugal,  234. 

Somers,  Richard,  midshipman,  66; 
lieutenant,  109. 

Sophia,  U.  S.  brig,  27,  87. 

Spain,  3;  danger  of  war  with,  12, 
13;  privateers  of,  and  spoliations 
committed  by,  29,  261,  262,  266, 
267;  ally  of  France,  35,  261; 
neutrality  of,  violated,  186;  de 
crees  of,  267;  claims  against, 
268,  270. 

Spencer,  English  ship,  105,  106. 

Spoliation  claims,  against  France, 
22,  28,  36,  247,  248,  249,  250; 
classes  of,  269,  271;  for  spolia 
tions  after  1801,  269,  270;  set 
tled,  270;  for  spoliations  before 
1801,  271;  part  of  them  settled, 
271;  unsettled  claims,  272;  at 
tempts  to  settle,  272-274;  re 
ferred  to  the  Court  of  Claims, 
273;  not  yet  settled,  274;  argu 
ments  for  the  claimants,  274, 
275;  against,  275-278;  justice  of 
claims  acknowledged  by  France, 
275;  classes  of  claims  denned, 
278,  279;  opinion  of  the  court, 
280;  claims  against  Denmark, 
England,  Holland,  Naples,  and 
Spain,  268. 


322 


INDEX 


Spoliations  of  American  commerce, 
by  France,  16,  22,  28,  29,  30,  31, 
32;  in  the  West  Indies,  29,  32, 
34,  37,  38,  66,  222,  261;  in 
French  ports,  36;  cases  of,  37, 
38;  in  the  East  Indies,  151,  157, 
159;  under  the  empire,  260,  261, 
262,  263,  264,  266;  by  other 
belligerents,  see  Denmark,  Eng 
land,  Holland,  Naples,  and 
Spain. 

Sterrett,  Andrew,  lieutenant,  on 
the  Constellation,  100,  101; 
takes  command  of  the  Enter 
prise,  203. 
Stevens,  Edward,  U.  S.  consul- 
general  in  San  Domingo,  nego 
tiates  with  Toussaint,  114;  re 
ports  fight  with  pirates,  139- 
144;  praises  Maley,  140,  141, 
143,  147;  borrows  ammunition, 
144;  assists  Toussaint,  186,  187; 
writes  to  Talbot,  188. 
Stewart,  Charles,  lieutenant,  on 
the  United  States,  66;  oh  re 
cruiting  duty,  109;  takes  com 
mand  of  the  Experiment,  148; 
pursuing  privateers,  204,  205, 
206;  his  letters,  205, 207;  rescues 
shipwrecked  people,  207,  208. 
Stoddert,  Benjamin,  secretary  of 
the  navy,  appointment  of,  54; 
views  and  recommendations  of, 
54,  84,  85,  252-255;  his  letters 
to  the  President,  67,  68,  104, 
107,  122,  123,  147;  dismisses 
Phillips,  80;  his  letters  to  Barry, 
82,  86,  108,  113;  his  reports  to 
Congress,  84,  88,  252;  secures 
sites  for  navy  yards,  86;  his 
opinion  of  officers,  107;  of  the 
Magicienne,  112;  his  letters  from 
the  President,  122,  129,  147; 
suggests  a  European  cruise,  122; 
his  letter  on  Porto  Rico,  161;  to 
Talbot,  189;  his  orders,  see 
Navy  Department;  reports  and 
letters  sent  to,  see  names  of 
various  officers. 
Sumner,  Charles,  274. 
Surinam,  Talbot  ordered  to,  124; 
Portsmouth  cruising  off,  125, 
133;  English  take  possession  of, 
125,  126;  Maryland  cruising  off, 
127, 133, 194, 195;  in  the  Guade 
loupe  station,  193. 


Talbot,  Silas,  captain,  appointed 
in  the  navy,  49;  dispute  as  to 
his  rank,  49,  50,  120,  122;  in 
command  of  the  Constitution, 
115,  122,  124;  and  of  the  San 
Domingo  station,  115,  125,  133, 
148,  180,  199,  209,  216;  his  re 
port  on  piracy,  145;  plans  a  cut 
ting-out  expedition,  182, 184;  his 
report,  182-184;  receives  a  let 
ter  from  Toussaint,  186;  returns 
home,  188;  is  commended,  189. 
Talleyrand-Pe~rigord,  Charles  Mau 
rice  de,  French  minister  of  for 
eign  affairs,  23;  his  interviews 
and  correspondence  with  U,  S. 
envoys,  25;  attempts  to  ne 
gotiate  with  Gerry,  26;  affects 
ignorance  of  X,  Y,  and  Z,  27; 
again  attempts  negotiations, 
245 ;  promises  to  respect  envoys, 
246;  receives  letters  from  Liv 
ingston,  277,  278,  279. 
Tartuffe,  French  privateer,  90. 
Tingey,  Thomas,  captain,  83,  111, 

257. 

Tobago,  35,  37,  82. 
Toussaint  L'Ouverture,  Domi 
nique  Francois,  general,  Haitian 
revolutionist,  34;  negotiates 
with  the  United  States,  113, 114; 
opens  ports  to  American  trade, 
114;  at  war  with  Rigaud,  115, 
116,  180,  186-188;  his  relations 
with  American  officers,  120,  180, 
186,  187,  192;  provides  ammu 
nition,  144;  besieges  Jacmel, 
180,  186;  defeats  Rigaud,  188, 
191;  demands  surrender  of  San 
Domingo  city,  208;  overthrown 
and  sent  to  France,  260. 
Treaties,  with  France,  obligations 
under,  1,  2,  247,  248,  250,  290- 
294;  disputed  interpretation  of, 
2,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  18,  19,  20,  32, 
33;  new  treaty  desired,  13,  23; 
violation  of  old  treaties,  28,  30, 
31 ;  abrogation  of,  39,  247,  248, 
276;  convention  of  1800,  220, 
221,  249-251,  264,  269,  271,  272, 

277,  278,  279,  294;  negotiation 
of,  247-249,  275,  276;  conven 
tion  of  1803,251,269,271,277, 

278,  279,  295;  treaty  of  1831, 
269,  270;  treaty  with  England, 
17-21,  29,  32, 247, 248, 268, 296; 


INDEX 


treaties  with  Denmark  and 
Spain,  268. 

Trianon  decree,  265. 

Trumbull,  U.  S.  ship,  56;  on  the 
San  Domingo  station,  179,  188, 
216;  captures  the  schooner 
Vengeance,  191,  192. 

Truxtun,  Thomas,  captain,  ap 
pointed  in  the  navy,  49;  dispute 
as  to  his  rank,  49,  50,  120,  121; 
in  command  of  the  Constella 
tion,  64,  71,  79;  commodore,  in 
command  of  a  squadron,  83,  93, 
111;  reports  his  action  with  the 
Insurgente,  93,  94,  99,  100,  101; 
and  his  arrival  at  St.  Christopher, 
102,  103;  exchanges  prisoners 
and  returns  home,  104;  men 
tioned,  105,  170;  on  the  Guade 
loupe  station,  111,  117,  121,  133, 
162, 178;  his  discipline,  134-1 36; 
his  advice  to  midshipmen,  136, 
137;  his  dispatches,  149,  176; 
his  orders  to  Murray,  150,  163; 
reports  his  action  with  the  Ven 
geance,  163-166,  173,  175,  177; 
his  address  to  his  crew,  176;  at 
Jamaica,  176;  receives  a  gold 
medal,  177;  at  St.  Christopher, 
206,  207;  transferred  to  the 
President,  217;  cruising,  217, 
221. 

Tryon,  Moses,  captain,  129,  133. 

United  States,  U.  S.  frigate,  47; 
built  and  launched,  48;  fitted 
out,  55;  at  Philadelphia,  63; 
first  cruise  of,  66,  67,  68,  69; 
captures  privateers,  69,  90,  91 ; 
Barry's  flagship,  69,  81,  89,  92; 
at  Guadeloupe,  91;  gets  a  new 
crew,  108,  109;  European  cruise 
proposed  for,  110,  123;  sails  for 
France,  110,  124,  247;  again  in 
the  West  Indies,  220;  returns 
home,  221;  retained  in  the  ser 
vice,  252,  255,  257;  ordered  to 
Washington,  258. 

Vengeance,  French  frigate,  at 
Guadeloupe,  128;  her  action 
with  the  Constellation,  163,  171, 
199;  at  Curacao,  169-174,  190, 
196;  her  injuries,  169,  170,  171, 
173,  174;  her  armament,  172; 


her  crew,   172;   her  casualties, 

172,  174. 

Vengeance,  French  privateer,  19. 
Vengeance,  French  schooner,  191, 

250. 

Virginia,  U.  S.  schooner,  83. 
Volontaire,  French  frigate,  74,  75. 

War  in  Europe,  2,  3,  17,  28,  34,  36, 
44,  85,  260,  268,  281. 

War  with  France,  preparation  for, 
39,  50,  53,  54-57,  58,  59,  60-62; 
no  declaration  of,  61;  effect  of 
the  first  year  of,  83,  84;  second 
year  of,  132,  133;  end  of,  220, 
221;  review  of,  222-224;  effect 
of,  on  treaties  and  claims,  248, 
276. 

War  of  1812,  17,  70,  100,  125,  265, 
268. 

Warren,  U.  S.  ship,  120,  133,  192, 
193,  221. 

Washington,  George,  president,  2; 
issues  proclamation  of  neutral 
ity,  3;  his  views  on  privateers  in 
American  ports,  5;  wishes  them 
held  in  port,  9;  requests  Genet's 

.  recall,  10;  revokes  exequatur  of 
a  French  consul,  11;  also  of  a 
British  consul,  21 ;  messages  of, 
28,  55;  appointed  lieutenant- 
general,  39;  signs  navy  bill,  42; 
his  views  as  to  rank  of  generals, 
60;  his  death,  137,  258. 

Washington ,  American  armed 
ship,  234. 

Washington,  American  brig,  243, 
244. 

Watson,  James  P.,  lieutenant,  150. 

Webster,  Daniel,  274. 

West  Indies,  defense  of,  guaran 
teed,  2,  3,  7;  conditions  in,  35, 
36,  260,  261. 

Wilkinson,  James,  brigadier-gen 
eral,  181. 

Williams,  Thomas,  captain,  72. 

Williamson,  James,  235. 

X  Y  Z  mission,  23-27,  38. 

Yellow  fever,  110,  113,  193. 

Young,  Moses,  266. 

Young,  Samuel,  purser,  212. 

Zilpha,  American  schooner,  37. 


UNIVER" 


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